









fhss P f- \an 
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PRESENTED BY 















The Modern Language Association oe America 


MONOGRAPH SERIES 


IV 

THE CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Approved for publication in the Monograph Series of the Modern 
Language Association of America. 

Albert Feuillerat 
Joseph E. Gillet 
Robert A. Law 
E. C. Roedder 
Robert K . Root 
Committee of Award 


THE 

CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE 
IN OLD ENGLISH 


BY 

MORGAN CALLAWAY, Jr. 

n 

PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH IN THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS 


Published by the Modern Language Association of America 
BOSTON, D. C. HEATH and COMPANY 
LONDON, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
MDCCCCXXXIII 



fell 


ikrtou. ^ ^ uc ' u “ a 

\*\ ‘ \4 > » ,4, ^ r 


PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA 


CONTENTS 


Introduction . i 

Chapter I. The Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by 

Correlative Particles . 6 

A. The Subjunctive Introduced by Non-Preposi- 

tional Particles. 6 

AA. In West Saxon. 6 

General Statement. 6 

Statistics. 7 

BB. In the “Lindisfarne Gospels” .... ii 

B. The Subjunctive Introduced by Prepositional 

Particles.12 

A A. In West Saxon.12 

General Statement.12 

Statistics.13 

BB. In the “Lindisfarne Gospels” .... 15 

C. Notes.15 

Chapter II. The Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by 

Single Particles. 17 

A. In West Saxon.17 

I. Normal Type: Introduced by swa, fraet, 

baette.17 

General Statement.17 

Statistics.18 


II. Special Type: Introduced by J?aet (oc¬ 
casionally by baette) Following beon 
(wesan) without Intervening Adjective 


or Adverb.21 

General Statement.21 

Statistics.21 

B. In the “Lindisfarne Gospels”.25 

C. Notes ..25 






















Chapter III. Origin oe the Consecutive Subjunctive in Old 


English.28 

A. Nature of the Governing Clause.28 

Tables: Group I, Introduced by Correlative 

Particles.34 

Group II, With Single Particles . . 35 

B. Latin Correspondents to the Old English Con¬ 

secutive Subjunctive.36 

I. The Old English Consecutive Subjunctive 

Introduced by Correlative Particles . 36 

Subtype A. Non-Prepositional ... 36 

Tables: I. Subjunctive .... 38 

II. Indicative .... 39 

III. Miscellaneous Locutions 40 

IV. Nothing.41 

Subtype B. Prepositional .... 41 

Tables: I. Subjunctive .... 42 

II. Indicative .... 43 

III. Miscellaneous Locutions 43 

IV. Nothing.43 

II. The Old English Consecutive Subjunctive 

Introduced by Single Particles ... 44 

Tables: I. Subjunctive .... 47 

II. Indicative .... 48 

III. Miscellaneous Locutions 48 

IV. Nothing.49 

C. Old English Non-Subjunctive Renditions of 

Latin Consecutive Subjunctives .... 49 

Tables.52 

D. Conclusion.54 

Chapter IV. The Consecutive Subjunctive in the Other 

Germanic Languages.56 

I. In Gothic.56 

II. In the Scandinavian Languages.59 

III. In Old Saxon.60 








IV. In Old High German.61 

V. In Middle High German.63 

VI. Conclusion.67 

Chapter V. Results.68 

I. The Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by 

Correlative Particles.68 

Subtype A. Non-Prepositional .... 68 

Subtype B. Prepositional.70 

II. The Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by 

Single Particles.71 

Appendix A. Statistics of the Consecutive Subjunctive in 

Old English.75 

I. The Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by 

Correlative Particles.75 

Subtype A. Non-Prepositional .... 75 

I. In West Saxon.75 

II. In the “Lindisfarne Gospels” ... 85 

Subtype B. Prepositional.85 

I. In West Saxon.85 

II. In the “Lindisfarne Gospels” ... 88 

II. The Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by 

Single Particles.88 

I. In West Saxon.88 

II. In the “Lindisfarne Gospels” ... 96 

Appendix B. Bibliography.97 

I. Texts Read.97 

A. Old English.97 

B. Latin.98 

II. Works Consulted.99 

Corrigenda .no 
























THE CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 

INTRODUCTION 

This monograph is the second of my studies on the Subjunctive in Old 
English, and follows in general the plan of my first study in this field, 
The Temporal Subjunctive in Old English (The University of Texas Press, 
Austin, Texas, 1931). 

The present investigation is based upon a statistical reading of the 
chief Old English texts, prose and poetical, and, in the case of transla¬ 
tions, of the Latin originals. The texts read and the abbreviations used 
therefor are indicated in Appendix B, Bibliography. 

Only one detailed treatment of the Consecutive Subjunctive in Old 
English has appeared hitherto, “The Clause of Result in Old English 
Prose,” in Anglia, xxxi, 1908, pp. 197-255, by Professor Allen H. Ben- 
ham, of the University of Washington, Seattle. As the title of this Yale 
dissertation indicates, the investigation is restricted to the Old English 
prose texts. The statistics are professedly complete, but the examples are 
cited by page and line only, the verbs concerned not being named ex¬ 
cept occasionally. Little attention is paid to the Latin originals of the 
Old English translations, or to the Consecutive Subjunctive in the 
kindred Germanic languages. It is believed that the results obtained in 
the present investigation differ so widely from those of Dr. Benham and 
of the writers on Old English mood-syntax who have incidentally touched 
on the consecutive use of the subjunctive as to warrant this second study. 

Consecutive Sentences are by some scholars, as by Professors Gilder- 
sleeve and Lodge, in their Latin Grammar (3ded., Boston, 1896), §551, 2, 
subdivided into two classes: 1 I. Pure Consecutive Sentences, those in 
which the tendency is expressed by an introductory particle, and II. 
Complementary Consecutive Sentences, those in which the tendency lies 
in the leading verb, as after verbs of making, or in a word or phrase re¬ 
quiring expansion, as custom, time, worthy, etc. The Pure Consecutive 
Clauses are adverbial in nature; the Complementary Consecutive 

1 Though somewhat different terms are used, substantially this two-fold classification of 
Latin Consecutive Clauses is given by Charles E. Bennett, Syntax of Early Latin, Vol. 1. 
The Verb, Boston, 1910, pp. 296 ff.; by R. Kiihner, Ausfiihrliche Grammatik der lateinischen 
Sprache, 2. Band: Satzlehre, 2. Auflage, Neubearbeitet von Dr. Carl Stegmann, Hannover, 
1912,19x4, Teil n,pp. 234ff.; and by F.Stolz and J.H. Schmalz, Lateinische Grammatik: 
Syntax und Stilistik, 5. Auflage, Neubearbeitet von Dr. J. B. Hofmann, Miinchen, 1928, 
§§ 3 21 


2 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Clauses, as a rule, are either substantival (subjective, objective, etc.) or 
adjectival (relative) in nature. 

In this study I propose to treat only the Pure Consecutive Clauses, 
hereafter designated merely as Consecutive Clauses. For my exclusion 
of the so-called Complementary Consecutive Clauses there seem to be 
several good grounds, (i) Many writers on Old English and Germanic 
syntax treat most phases of this group under other headings, such as 
Substantival Clauses (Appositive, Subjective, Objective, Predicate Nom¬ 
inative) and Adjectival (Relative) Clauses. For instance, this plan is 
followed, in the main, by J. E. Wulfing, in his Die Syntax in den Werken 
Alfreds des Grossen (Bonn, 1894-1901), 11, 155 ff., and by the chief stu¬ 
dent hitherto of the Consecutive Subjunctive in Old English, Dr. Ben- 
ham, op. cit., pp. 203-204. The latter scholar, however, includes in his 
monograph Relative Clauses Denoting Result. (2) In some of the cate¬ 
gories put under Complementary Consecutive Clauses the idea of result 
seems to me very slight. (3) I think that I can treat these complementary 
clauses more helpfully in subsequent studies dealing respectively with 
the Subjunctive in Substantive Clauses and the Subjunctive in Relative 
Clauses. (4) Chiefly this exclusion enables me to bring out more clearly 
what seem to me the noteworthy things to be told concerning the Old 
English Subjunctive in Pure Consecutive Clauses. 

A special difficulty encountered in any discussion of the Consecutive 
Subjunctive in Old English arises from the difficulty, if not the impossi¬ 
bility, of drawing a hard-and-fast line between the Clause of Result and 
the Clause of Purpose, so closely akin are the two uses. This relationship 
in Latin is succinctly put by Professors Gildersleeve and Lodge (op. cit., 
§ 543 ): 

1. Sentences of Design are commonly called Final Sentences. Sentences of Tend¬ 
ency are commonly called Consecutive Sentences. Both contemplate the end— 
the one, as an aim; the other, as a consequence. 2. They are alike in having the 
Subjunctive and the particle ut (‘how,’ ‘that’), a relative conjunction. 3. They 
differ in the Tenses employed. The Final Sentence, as a rule, takes only the Pres¬ 
ent and Imperfect Subjunctive. Consecutive Sentences may take also Perfect 
and Pluperfect. 4. They differ in the kind of Subjunctive employed. The Final 
Sentence takes the Optative. The Consecutive Sentence takes the Potential. 
Hence the difference in the Negative [normally ne for the Final, and ut non for 
the Consecutive sentence]. 

The difficulty of distinguishing the two types of sentences is then indi¬ 
cated (§543, Note 2): 

It is to be remarked that the difference between Final and Consecutive often 
consists only in the point of view. What is final from the point of view of the doer 
is consecutive from the point of view of the spectator; hence the variation in 


INTRODUCTION 


3 


sequence and negative after verbs of Effecting. A frustrated purpose gives a 
negative result; hence the variation in negative after verbs of Hindering. 

The relationship between Consecutive Clauses and Final Clauses in 
Old English has recently been discussed by Dr. Hans Glunz, in his un¬ 
usually able monograph, Die V erwendung des Konjunktivs im Alteng- 
lischen: 

Der Unterschied zwischen den sogenannten Finalsatzen und den Konsekutiv- 
satzen besteht nur darin, dass jene etwas Gewunschtes, Ersehntes, Gewolltes, 
Begehrtes zum Inhalt haben, diese etwas nicht so Determiniertes, sondern 
Berichtetes, interesselos Betrachtetes. Beide stimmen aber darin iiberein, dass 
sie Folgesatze sind, d. h. die Folge angeben, die sich aus einer anderen Handlung, 
Tatigkeit usw. ergibt. Ganz verfehlt ist die mechanistisch-logistische Ansicht, als 
ob mit ‘so dass’ eingeleitete Satze immer konsekutiv waren, oder dass umgekehrt 
Satze, deren Konjunktion wir mit ‘damit’ iibersetzen, immer Finalsatze waren 
(Clauses of Purpose). So liegt in pa underpioddan mon sceal swa Iceran, pat hie 
ealles ne sien genat ne geiermed, and pa ofergesettan mon sceall swce manian, pat 
se hiera folgop hiene ne ophebbe C. P. 188.15, der Konjunktion nach zu urteilen, 
ein Konsekutivsatz im Konjunktiv vor. In der Tat aber ist der Satz viel eher 
final. Die Folge wird gewiinscht, anbefohlen, erstrebt, und das ist charakte- 
ristisch fur den Finalsatz. Andererseits wird durch das vorausgehende swa auch 
der Folgegedanke betont (p. 36). 

After quoting several other Old English sentences that may be con¬ 
sidered either consecutive or final, Dr. Glunz (p. 37) tells us when and 
why, in his opinion, the Indicative is often used in Consecutive Clauses 
in Old English: 

Wenn der sogenannte Konsekutivsatz einfach die Folge konstatiert, ohne dass 
der Redende ein Interesse daran aussert, so steht der Indikativ: He ladde hie 
swa mid ligenum and mid listum speon idese on pat unriht, pat heo hire mod ongan 
latan after pam larum Gen. 591. 

Despite Dr. Glunz’s clever and persistent plea for a Subjunctive of In¬ 
terest, here allotted to the consecutive use of the subjunctive, I question 
the cogency of his reasoning. Certainly a result in which the speaker is 
deeply interested is at times expressed by the Indicative both in Old 
English and in Modern English. For the former consider the following 
examples from the West Saxon Gospels:—Matthew 8.27: Gewisslice ]?a 
men wundrodun and Jms cwaedon, Hwaet is J?es pat windas and sae him 
hyrsumiap? = Matthew 2 8.27: Porro homines mirati sunt, dicentes: Qualis 
est hie quia et uenti et mare obadiunt ei (not cited in Benham, op. cit., 
p. 250, among his indicatives of result, but the following example is 
cited by him);— Mark 1.27: Da wundredon hi ealle swa pat hi betwux 
him ewadon , Hwaet ys Jns? hwaet is J?eos niwe lar, pat he on anwealde 


4 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


unclaenum gastum bebyt, and hi hyrsumiap him 7 = Mark 2 1.27: Et mirati 
sunt omnes, ita ut conquirerent inter se, dicentes: Quidnam est hoc? quae 
doctrina haec noua? quia in potestate et spiritibus inmundis imperat, et 
obcediunt ei? By some, as by the translators of the Authorized Version 
of the Bible and by the editors of the Vulgate, Messrs. Wordsworth and 
White, the last clause of the passage from Mark is allowably considered 
causal, but to me it seems more probable that it is consecutive, as in the 
corresponding clause in Matthew 8.27. For the Modern English consider 
these examples:— Hamlet, 1, v, 49: 

O Hamlet, what a falling-off was there! 

From me, whose love was of that dignity 
That it went hand in hand even with the vow 
I made to her in marriage;— 

Colloquial English: “I was so intent upon communicating with John 
that I sent him a night letter.” At any rate, I prefer to consider that 
contingency rather than interest is the chief factor differentiating the 
Consecutive Subjunctive from the Consecutive Indicative. 

Since to distinguish the consecutive use of the subjunctive from the 
final use thereof is so difficult, some of my classifications will doubtless 
be questioned by other students of Old English syntax. I hope, however, 
that these differences of interpretation may not seriously affect my 
general results. 

As restricted in this monograph, the Consecutive Subjunctive in Old 
English may be subdivided into two larger groups according to the na¬ 
ture of the introductory particles. We have A, the Consecutive Subjunc¬ 
tive Introduced by Correlative Particles, such as swa poet{te) (swa . . . 
poet{te)), swilc poet (swilc . . . poet), to pon poet {to pon . . . poet), etc.; and 
B, the Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by Single Particles, such as 
swa, poet, and pcette. Typical examples of these two subdivisions are as 
follows: 

A. The Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by Correlative Par¬ 
ticles : 

Pref. to Gen. 79.100: aefre he sceal gefadian hit swa poet J>aet Englisc hoebbe his 
agene wisan=no Latin. 

Greg . 1 411.26°: Hwa is nu Jaera f>e gesceadwis sie, & to poem gleaw sie poet he 
swelces hwaet tocnawan cunne, ]?£ette nyte Jaette, etc.? =Greg . 2 332.10: Quis enim 
consideratis ipsis rerum imaginibus nesciat, quod, etc.? 

Bened . 1 46.14®: Syn j>a ealdras swylce gecorene, poet se abbod his byr]?enna on hy 
todoelan moege= Bened . 2 86.14: Qui Decani tales eligantur, in quibus securus Abbas 
partiatur onera sua. 


INTRODUCTION 


5 


B. The Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by Single Particles: 

Greg . 1 67«23 b : bij> asmorod ]?aet saed Godes worda, l?eah hie upaspryttaen, poet hie 
ne moten fulgrowan ne waestmbaere weor J)an = Greg. 2 42.i8 b : euntes suffocantur, 
et non referunt fructum. 

Greg} 255.18: J)aet gode mod ]?e sio haelo ful oft aweg adrief]? ]>set gemynd J>aere 
medtrymnesse geedniewa]?, p cette J>aet mod J>e ofer his maej? bij> upahaefen gemyne 
of l>aem suingum ]?e J?aet flaesc J?ola]? to hwaem eal monncynn gesceapen is = Greg . 2 
192.30: ut animus, qui extra se in elationem ducitur, cui sit conditioni subditus, 
ex percussa, quam sustinet, carne memoretur. 

In Appendix A are given the Statistics of the Consecutive Subjunctive 
in Old English. The subjunctives are listed alphabetically in the respec¬ 
tive categories. I have habitually taken account of the Latin Corre¬ 
spondents to the consecutive subjunctives in the Old English transla¬ 
tions, hoping thereby to determine with reference to each category 
whether the idiom is native English or is borrowed from the Latin. And 
I have considered the Consecutive Subjunctive in the Lindisfarne Gos¬ 
pels as well as in the West Saxon dialect. Some account is taken, also, 
of our construction in the kindred Germanic languages, which account is 
based primarily upon the research of others. 

Although I have at times cited as consecutive subjunctives forms 
that, because of their ambiguity, could be considered indicatives, I have 
based my study primarily upon forms that are indisputably subjunc¬ 
tive. I have not treated separately the analytic subjunctives and the 
synthetic subjunctives; but I have so arranged my statistics that, if one 
should desire, he can easily segregate the former from the latter. 

Moreover, I have striven to make my statistics complete. Since, how¬ 
ever, these statistics were taken at odd intervals along with those of all 
other uses of the Subjunctive in Old English, omissions and misclassifi- 
cations are unavoidable. I trust, however, that possible errors of the 
sorts alluded to in this Introduction may not prove so numerous or so 
serious as to invalidate the trustworthiness of my findings. 


CHAPTER I 


THE CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE INTRODUCED 
BY CORRELATIVE PARTICLES 

Somewhat over half the Consecutive Subjunctives in West Saxon are 
introduced by Correlative Particles, the total number so introduced 
being 428. These correlative particles fall into two larger subdivisions: 
A. Non-Prepositional (362) and B. Prepositional (66). 

A. THE SUBJUNCTIVE INTRODUCED BY NON- 
PREPOSITIONAL PARTICLES 

AA. In West Saxon (362) 

General Statement 

Although in this sub-group thirteen different correlative particles are 
used to introduce the dependent consecutive subjunctive, only a few of 
these particles occur frequently. Of these introductory particles a com¬ 
plete list is given below, in alphabetic order: 

swa swa (sua sua ), ‘so as,’ ‘so that’ (3). 

swa . . . swa, ‘so . . . as,’ ‘so . . . that’ (19). 

swa . . . pees pe, ‘so . . . as,’ ‘so . . . that’ (1). 

swa ( swee, sua) pcet, ‘so that’ (86). 

swa {swee, sua) . . . pat, ‘so . . . that’ (192). 

swa {swee) pcette, ‘so that’ (5). 

swa {swee, sua) . . . pcette, ‘so . . . that’ (14). 

swelc ( swile) pcet, ‘such that’ (2). 

swelc {swile) . . . pat, ‘such . . . that’ (8). 

swelc {swile) . . . patte, ‘such . . . that’ (2). 

to . . . pat, ‘too . . . that’ (8). 

pas . . . pat, ‘so . . . that’ (21). 

pillic ... pat, ‘such . . . that’ (1). 

The distribution of these introductory particles is quite uneven. One 
(pees . . . pat) is restricted almost entirely to the poetry, 18 of the 21 
examples being found therein. Of the remaining twelve particles, only 
two are found in the poetry and these very sparingly {swa . . . pat, 2; 
to .. . pat, 1). In the prose texts some particles {swa swa, swa . . . swa, 
swa . . . pas pe, swa patte, swa . . . patte, swelc . . . patte ) occur chiefly 
in the works of Alfred. Only swa . . . pat is found well represented in 
both Alfred and HLlfric. 


6 


INTRODUCED BY CORRELATIVE PARTICLES 


7 


In Subgroup A the Subjunctive is far less frequent than is the In¬ 
dicative. Of the latter mood Dr. Benham (pp. 215-218, 220-228, 232, 
248-253) gives a total of about 697 examples for the prose works in¬ 
cluded in my present study, distributed as follows: swa pat {pat, pet), 
351; swa . . . pat {pat, pet), 302; swa {swa) patte, 24; swa {swa) . . . 
patte, 17; swelc {swilc) . . . pat, 3; swelc {swilc) . . . patte, 1. 

With the particles above listed we have the Consecutive Subjunctive 
in West Saxon, as a rule, when the result is represented as contingent. 
Some scholars of distinction, however, offer other explanations of the 
subjunctive in such clauses, claiming that the nature of the governing 
clause primarily accounts for the use of the subjunctive in the dependent 
consecutive clause,—a topic better discussed after we shall have given 
examples of our idiom. 


Statistics 

Typical examples of the Consecutive Subjunctive introduced by the 
Correlative Particles of Subgroup A are here given: 

1. With swa swa (sua sua), so as, so that (3): 

Greg . 1 I99.i3 a - b : sua dob b& be hira hlafordas diegellice taelab, & beah sua 
sua hit him no ne derige, ne ne egle =Greg . 2 148.20 a : o. 

2. With swa .. . swa (sua . . . sua), so ... as, so .. . that (19): 

Greg 1 61.19. He sceal tilian sua to libbanne sua he mage ba adrugodan 
heortan gepwanan mid )>&m flowendan ybon his lare =Greg . 2 36.21: Qui sic 
studet vivere, ut proximorum quoque corda arentia doctrinae valeat fluentis 
irrigare. 

Greg . 1 453.2o a : ond swa laere ba obre eabmetta, swa he b on e ege to swibe 
baem obrum ne geice =Greg . 2 384.14: quatenus sic superbis praedicetur 
humilitas, ut tamen timidis non augeatur metus. 

Greg . 1 453.26 b : & beah swa tilige hi to onaelenne, swa hi ba hatheortan ne 
forbarnen =Greg . 2 384.22: sic lenes accendantur ad zelum, ut tamen ira- 
cundis non addatur incendium. 

Bened . 1 64.20: swa forsceawige swa hy naefre . . . beswicene ne weorpan 
= Bened 2 122.12 s : considerans in omnibus ne subrepat satietas. [May be 
Final in O.E. as in Latin.] 

Bened . 1 63.20: stande se eaca on baes abbodes dome baet bonne swa sy fore- 
sceawod^wo b^rosefreoferfyl ne filige = Bened . 2 120.12: in arbitrio et potes- 
tate Abbatis erit, si expediat, aliquid augere, remota prae omnibus crapula, 
et ut nunquam surripiat Monacho indigeries. 

3. With swa . . . baes be, so ... as, so .. . that (1): 

Bede 1 92.6: Se me [sic for ma?\ allum . . . aldormonnum Bretta beode fornom 
& forhergade, swa efne pas pe meahte wipmeten beon Saule = Bede 2 71.13: 


8 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


qui . . . gentem uastauit Brettonum; ita ut Sauli . . . conparandus uide- 
retur. [Meahte may be indicative, as is claimed by Benham, op. cit., p. 252.] 

4. With swa (swae, sua) l?set, so that (86): 

Solil . 1 63.7: J?u wast aeac genoh geare >aet he nane gesceafta ne forlet eal- 
lunga gewitan swa pat hy to nawuihte weorpen =no Latin. 

Chron. 37.23 (E 675): Das landes ic gife Sancte Peter eal swa freolice swa 
ic seolf hit ahte & swa pat nan min aeftergengles J>aer nan Jung of ne nime. 
Bened . 1 140.18: sy pent gedon . . . swa pat ]>a gebro>ra him onlocian magen 
= no Latin. 

Mlf. Horn. 1, 284.15, 16: Ne bepaece nan man hine sylfne, swa pat he secge 
oJ?J>e gelyfe J>aet Juy Godas syndon. 

Mlf. Hept ., 1 Num . 1 22.20: Far mid him, swa pat Jm do J>aet ic ]>e beode =uade 
cum eis: ita duntaxat, ut quod tibi praecepero, facias. [Wohlfahrt, Die 
Syntax des Verbums in Mlfric’s Ubersetzung des Heptateuch und des Buches 
Hiob, p. 63, puts this example in his section on the Consecutive Clauses, but 
adds: “Einmal hat swa pat modalen Sinn, indem es das lateinische duntaxat 
vertritt.”] 

Wulf. 174.i b : bete >aet . . . swa pat o]>re manega beon gestyrde be J>am. 

5. With swa (swae, sua) . . . J>aet, so . . . that (192): 

Chr. &* S. 351: Nis naenig swa snotor ne swa craeftig ne ]?aes swa gleaw nymj>e 
god seolfa, pat asecgan mage swegles leoman. 

Vom Jungsten Tage 216: bi]> J>aet earme breost . . . swenced, for hwi fyr- 
gende flaesc on J?as frecnan tid hym selfum swa fela synna geworhte, pat 
hit on cweartern cwylmed wyrde, on ]?aere grimman susle on helle. 

Greg . 1 145.15 b : ForJ>aem nan man nis J>e eallunga sua libban maege pat [he] 
hwilum ne agylte =Greg. i 104.21: Nemo quippe est, qui ita vivat, ut aliqua- 
tenus non delinquat. 

Chron. 116.19 (E 963): ic gife J>one tun . . . swa freolice pat ne king . . . ne 
haue }>aer nane haese. 

Laws, Cnut 274[9] b : Gif hwa swa dyrstig sy . . . pat ongean Godes lage ga. 
Bened . 1 66.7: And se aefen swa sy gefadod, pat hy candelleohtes . . . ne 
behofien = Bened. 2, 124.19 15 : Ipsa . . . Vespera sic agatur, ut lumine lucernae 
non indigeant. 

Mlf. Horn. 1, 22.20: Da cwaedon hi . . . J?aet hi woldon wyrcan . . . aenne 
stypel. . . swa heahne pat his hrof astige up to heofenum. 

Mlf. Hept ., 1 Deut . 1 15.7®: ne beo J>u swa heardheort pat ]?u him Junes godes 
wyrne= non obdurabis cor tuum, nec contrahes manum. 

Gosp ., 1 Mat . 1 15.33: Hwar nime we swa fela hlafa . . . , pat we gefyllan swa 
mycele maenegu? =Unde ergo nobis in deserto panes tantos, ut saturemus 
turbam tantam? [Other MSS. have habetis panes.] 

Wulf. 102.15: nis aenig man on life swa waer, pat he . . . wij? deofol gescyl- 
dan mage. 


INTRODUCED BY CORRELATIVE PARTICLES 


9 


6. With swa (swae, sua) j?aette, so that (5): 

Greg . 1 413.12: God us drencte swij>e gemetlice mid tearum, swa pcette aeghwelces 
mannes mod swa micle oftor ware gepwcened mid hreowsunge tearum swa swa 
he gemunde J>aet hit oftor waere adrugod from Gode on his synnum = Greg . 2 
334.4: “Potum dedit nobis in lacrymis in mensura;” ut videlicet . . . mens tan- 
tum poenitendo compunctionis suae bihat lacrymas, quantum se a Deo meminit 
aruisse per culpas. 

Greg . 1 461.24: Arrest hi sculon eowian . . . swa pcette ]?a weorc clipien aer, aer J>a 
word = Greg . 2 396.5: et antequam verba exhortationis insonent, omne, quod 
locuturi sunt, operibus clament. 

Boeth . 1 108.24: J>e meahte gan . . . o]> Jnsse eor)>an ende swa pcette nan dael Jrisse 
eor)?an ofer J>aet ncere=Boeth . 2 93.83: eum qui pedibus incedens ad eum locum 
usque peruenire potuisset, quo nihil ulterius peruium iaceret incessui, ambulandi 
potentissimum esse censeres. 

7. With swa (swae, sua) . . . fraette, so . . . that (14): 

Greg . 1 317.7, 8: Ac sua he sceal etan pcette hine sio gewilnung ]?aere giefernesse of 
his modes faes])raednesse ne gebrienge, ne eft sio J>raes]?ing ]?aes lichoman J?aet mod 
ne ascrence mid upahaefenesse = Greg . 2 244.1 i a - b : Itaque ne aut illos appetitus 
gulae a mentis statu dejiciat, aut istos afflicta caro ex elatione supplantet, audiant 
illi ex ore Veritatis. [May be Final in O.E. as in Latin.] 

Or os . 1 226.2: EJma fyr afleow up swa brad & swa micel, pcette feawe men ]>ara 
monna mehten beon eardfaeste, ]>e on Lipare waeron = Or os . 2 227.2:0. 

8. With swelc (swilc, swylc) J?aet, such that (2): 

Bened. 1 126.18: seo ripung . . . sy swylc, poet hine ne worian . . . ne lyste =Bened 2 
194.1: Ad portam . . . ponatur senex sapiens, . . . cujus maturitas eum non sinat 
vagari. 

Mlf. Horn. 1, 446.33: habbon hi hoge }?aet hi syn swilce poet hi wurj>fullice herigan 
magon (or Indie.?). 

9. With swelc (swilc) . . . J>aet, such . . . that (8): 

Greg . 1 59.8: Hwaet is nu ma ymbe J>is to sprecenne, buton se se J>e swelc ongieten 
sie poet he )>a craeftas hcebbe J>e we aer bufan ewaedon, f>aet he ]?onne to foo — Greg . 2 
34.18: quid sequendum est, quid tenendum, nisi ut virtutibus pollens coactus ad 
regimen veniat, virtutibus vacuus nec coactus accedat? 

Laws, lud. Dei, 4is[2, 3] 0 : we . . . bidda]? . . . ]?aet ]?u gedo her swilc tacn . . . 
pat Jris waeter hine ne onfo. 

Wcerf . 1 i87.9 b : hit saegd is, J>aet Jjyses . . . weres lif swylc waere, poet se \>t ongyte]) 
his drohta]?, ne scyle he wundrian his maegn = Wcerf 2 228B 0 : sed talis ejusdem 
viri vita perhibetur ut qui conversationem ejus agnoverit, virtutem non debeat 
mirari. 

Bened . 1 46.14 8 : Syn ]?a ealdras swylce gecorene, pcet se abbod his byr]?enna on hy 
todcelan mcege=Bened . 2 86.14: Qui Decani tales eligantur, in quibus securus 
Abbas partiatur onera sua. 


IO 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


10. With swelc (swilc) . . . J>aette, such . . . that (2): 

Greg . 1 435.26: se J?e hine upahefe]? on [J>a] ofermetto swelcre unryhtwisnesse 
peette he fullfremme hwelc yfel huru ]?urh gej>eaht =Greg . 2 362.2: qui tanta in- 
iquitatis elatione attollitur, ut adimplere malum etiam consilia conetur. 

Greg} 103.2o b : suelce hie sculon hie selfe astiowan, J>a b e oJ?rum fore beoJ>, 
pcette J?a be him underjhedde sien him dyrren hira dieglan ]?ing for scome gean- 
dettan=Greg . 2 72.2: Tales autem sese, qui praesunt, exhibeant, quibus subjecti 
occulta quoque sua prodere non erubescant. [Dr. W. Fleischhauer, Ueber den 
Gebrauch des Conjunctivs in Alfred’s altengl. Uebersetzung von Gregor’s Cura 
Pastoralis, p. 65: Result; but Dr. H. G. Shearin, The Expression of Purpose in 
Old English Prose , p. 61: Purpose.] 

11. With to . . . l?3et, too . . . that (8): 

Jul. 713: waes an tid to laet poet ic yfeldaeda aer gescomede J>enden gaest ond lie 
geador sij?edan onsund on earde. [Or Temporal? Professor Kennedy translates: 
“It was too late an hour when first I repented of my deeds of evil, while spirit 
and flesh journeyed on together unharmed.” Dr. W. Kopas, Die Grundzuge der 
Satzverkniipfung in Cynewulfs Schriften, p. 23: Consecutive.] 

Boeth} 23.21: buton Jm git to ful sy J>aes J?e pe laefed is, poet pe for by wlatige = 
Boeth . 2 33.35: Promouimus . . . aliquantum si te nondum totius tuae sortis pi get. 
Solil . 1 3.19: ac me )>inc]? ]>ath [wc] ]?eah J?aet J>u si to unhal, poet ]?u ne moege hit 
aeall awritan—Solil . 2 3.22: a paraphrase. 

Bl. Horn. 43.23, 24: Se maesse-preost se J>e bib to laet poet he J>aet deofol of men 
adrife, and ]?a sauwle . . . aet ]?on wi]?erweardan ahredde, ]?onne bihe geteald 
to J?aere fyrenan ea, etc. 

Wulf. 236.6, 7: hi m Jmhte J>onne seo tid to lang poet he hit gehyrde and J>aerinne 
wcere, and wende hine bonne aweg, ]>aet he ne mihte hit gehyran. 

Wulf. 237.22: hire Jmhte seo tid to scort poet heo ne moste gehyran ymbe Cristes 
J>rowunge seegan. [Possibly the three examples just quoted from Wulfstan are 
Temporal, poet meaning 'until,’ although no such definition is given of poet in Dr. 
Loring H. Dodd’s Glossary of Wulfstan’s Homilies {Yale Studies in English, No. 
xxxv). Because of their ambiguity, these three passages were not given in my 
Temporal Subjunctive in Old English. In that monograph, however, p. 58, several 
examples were given of poet meaning 'until.’] 

12. With bses . . . b®t, so .. . that (21): 

With three exceptions this particle is found only in the Old English 
poems. Typical examples follow: 

(a) In the Poetry (18): 

Beow. 1367: No pees frod leofab gumena bearna, poet bone grund wite. [Cf. pp. 23 
£f. below, where a similar locution is found with poet alone.] 

Gen. 833: naere he firnum b«s deop, merestream pees micel, poet his o min 
mod getweode, ac ic to bam grunde genge, gif ic godes meahte willan gewyreean. 


INTRODUCED BY CORRELATIVE PARTICLES 


ii 


Exod. 439: He a J> swerej?. . . J>aet ]?ines cynnes . . . rim ne cunnon ... to gesec- 
genne sojmm wordum, nym]?e hwylc pas snottor in sefan weorjje pat he ana 
mage ealle geriman stanas on eor]?an. 

And. 1373: Hwylc is pas mihtig ofer middangeard pat he J>e alyse of leo]?uben- 
dum . . . ofer mine est? [Cf. pp. 21 ff. below, where a similar locution occurs with 
pat alone.] 

Minor Poems: Gericht 31: Hwa is J?onne pas ferjjgleaw o]?]?e J?aes fela cunne, pat 
aefre mage heofona heahjm gereccan? [Cf. pp. 21 ff. below, where a similar locution 
occurs with pat alone.] 

Rid. 2.2 a ( = p. 2, 1 . 5): Hwylc is haele]?a ]?aes horse ond pas hygecraeftig pat ]?aet 
mage aseegan, hwa mec on si]? wraece? [Cf. pp. 21 ff. below, where a similar locu¬ 
tion occurs with pat alone.] 

Guth. 840: Naenig monna waes . . . aefre godes willan pas georn ne gynnwised, 
pat he bibugan mage ]>one bitran drync, ]?one Eve . . . Adame geaf. 

(b) In the Prose (3): 

Boeth . 1 75.5: ic wat J>aet nan nis pas welig pat he sumes eacan ne pyrfe = 
Boeth . 2 67.16:0. 

Mlp. Hept. 1 : Exod . 1 io.io b : Hu mage ge pas frymdige beon, ge J?e mine ]?eowas 
sindon, pat ge sceolan far an fram me? = Sic Dominus sit uobiscum, quomodo ego 
dimittam uos, et paruulos uestros. 

Wulf. 185.2: ]?am synfullum ]?incej> J?aet nan wiht ne sy pas hates ne ]>aes cealdes 
ne ]?aes hnesces ne J?aes wra]?es . . . ne ]?aes leofes ne ]?aes la]?es pat hig ]?onne 
mihte fram ures drihtnes lufan asceadan. 

13. With l?iUic . . . l>3et, such . . . that (1): 

JZlf. Horn. 1, 406.23: ]?a tihte seo gitsung ]?a sacerdas ]?aet man pillic orf ]?aer to 
ceape haefde, gif hwa feorran come, and wolde his lac Gode offrian, pat he on 
gehendnysse to bieganne gearu hafde. 

BB. In the “Lindisfame Gospels” (6) 

In the Lindisfame Gospels we find few Consecutive Subjunctives In¬ 
troduced by Non-prepositional Correlative Particles. 

Twice this subjunctive is found introduced by sua ( swa , swa) pat, 
and each time the Old English consecutive subjunctive corresponds to 
the same Latin idiom introduced by ita ut. The examples occur in 
Matthew 1. 8.16; chapter 12, verse 22. In the latter passage we have in 
the Old English a curious interchange of the indicative and the subjunc¬ 
tive moods: geleicnade hine sua pat he gespraec & gesaeh uel gesege = cu- 
rauit eum ita ut loqueretur et uideret. Here the Rushworth and the West 
Saxon versions give an indicative for both loqueretur and uideret. 

Once sua . . . pat introduces a consecutive subjunctive:— Mat. 15.33: 
hona for]?on us in woestern hlafas sua monigo pat we gefylle ]?reat suae 


12 CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 

michil? = unde ergo nobis in deserto panes tantos ut saturemus turbam 
tantam? 

Sua (suce) patte introduces a consecutive subjunctive three times:— 
Mk. 8.25: eftniuad waes sua uel Jms patte gesege gleoulice = restitutus est 
ita ut uideret clare [R.: gisege; W. S geseah]; Mk. i5.5:noht geondsuarede 
sucb patte ]?aet [sic] he woere awundrad se groefa = nihil respondit ita ut 
miraretur pilatus [R.: were awundrad; W. S wundrode); L. 5.7 0 : gefyldon 
]?a . . . sciopo sua patte gedruenadon uel were = impleuerunt ambas 
nauiculas ita ut mergerentur (R.: o; W. S.: war on besencte). 

In all the examples of the consecutive subjunctive introduced by cor¬ 
relative particles in the Lindisfarne Gospels we find a corresponding con¬ 
secutive subjunctive in the Latin original. But, in some of the passages 
in question, as we have seen, the Lindisfarne translator makes his sub¬ 
junctive interchange with an indicative of result. 

B. THE SUBJUNCTIVE INTRODUCED BY PREPOSITIONAL PARTICLES 
AA. In West Saxon (66) 

General Statement 

Eight Prepositional Particles are found introducing Consecutive Sub¬ 
junctive Clauses in West Saxon, as follows: 

on pa wisan pat, ‘in such wise that’ (2). 

on pa wisan . . . pat , ‘in such wise . . . that’ (1). 

to pam ( pam) pat, ‘to the extent that,’ ‘so that’ (4). 

to pam (pam) . . . pat, ‘to the extent . . . that,’ ‘so . . . that’ (26). 

to pas . . . pat, ‘to the extent . . . that,’ ‘so . . . that’ (15). 

to pon (pan) pat, ‘to the extent that,’ ‘so that’ (7). 

to pon (pan) . . . pat, ‘to the extent . . . that,’ ‘so . . . that’ (10). 

to pon patte, ‘to the extent that,’ ‘so that’ (1). 

In Subgroup B, again, the distribution of the introductory particles 
is very uneven. Only one of these particles (to pas . . . pat) is found in 
the poetry, and there only three times. The particles occur chiefly in 
Alfred (25 examples), rarely in ^Elfric (6 examples), and not at all in the 
Chronicle or in the West Saxon Gospels. Further details are given in Ap¬ 
pendix A. 

In this subgroup the Subjunctive is less frequent than the Indicative. 
According to Dr. Benham (pp. 218-220, 228-229, 248-253), in the prose 
works read by me, 112 examples of the consecutive indicative are found: 
to pam (pam) pat, 6; to pam (pam) . . . pat, 15; to pas . . . pat, 3; to 
pon (pan) pat, 49; to pon (pan) . . . pat, 38; to pat , 1. 

As in Subgroup A, so in Subgroup B, it seems to me that the subjunc¬ 
tive occurs, as a rule, when the result is represented as contingent. Other 


INTRODUCED BY CORRELATIVE PARTICLES 


13 


students of the subject, however, attribute the use of the consecutive 
subjunctive primarily to the influence of the governing clause,—a topic 
that is discussed later. 

Statistics 

Here follow typical examples of the Consecutive Subjunctive Intro¬ 
duced by the Prepositional Particles listed above. 

1. With on l?a wisan j?aet, in such wise that (2): 

Bened . 1 69.7, 8: sy ]?eah seo leaf on pa wisan, pcet f>aer seo foresaede bot fylige and 
hine mid j?aem ea^modlice scyldigne gesweotolige = Bened . 2 130.13: nec praesumat 
sociari Choro psallentium usque ad satisfactionem, nisi forte Abbas licentiam 
dederit permissione sua; ita tamen, ut satisfaciat reus ex hoc. 

2. With on J?a wisan . . . j?aet, in such wise . . . that (1): 

Bened . 1 65.1: we ]?a gej>afunga J)aes drynces on pa wisan do]?, pcet )?aer naefre seo 
fyl. . . ne weorpe = Bened 2 122.16: saltern vel hoc consentiamus, ut non usque ad 
satietatem bibamus. 

3. With to J?aem (J?am) ]?aet, to the extent that , so that (4): 

Boeth . 1 55.22: hit bif> . . . oferdrenced and gedwelod to pam pcet hit ne mcege . . . 
aredian = Boeth 2 53.54: non est aliud quod . . . perficere beatitudinem possit. 
Greg} 319.17: To manienne sint f>a J>e hiera mildheortlice sella)? ]?aette hie ne 
aj?inden on hiora mode to pcem pcet hi hi hcebban [=hebban] ofer ]?a l?e hie hiora 
sellaJ? = Greg . 2 246.17: Admonendi sunt, qui jam sua misericorditer tribuunt, ne 
cogitatione tumida super eos se quibus terrena largiuntur, extollant (or Final, as 
in the Latin?). 

Greg} 425-24 a * b : Donne ahebbaj? )?a synfullan swi]?e up hira hornas, J?onne hi hi 
naefre nyllaj? geea]?medan to pcem pcet hie ongieten hira unryhtwisnesse & l?a 
hreowsian [sic] = Greg . 2 348.22: Cornu quippe delinquentes exaltant, si nequa- 
quam se ad poenitentiam ex cognitione suae iniquitatis humiliant. 

4. With to J?aem (]?am) . . . J?aet, to the extent . . . that , so . . . that (26): 

Greg} 411.26°: Hwa is nu . . . J?e . . . to pcem gleaw sie pcet he swelces hwaet 
tocnawan cunne? =Greg . 2 332.10: Quis enim consideratis ipsis rerum imaginibus 
nesciat, quod, etc. 

Laws, Mlfred 88[77] d : Gif mon . . . forwundie to pcem swij?e pcet . . . hwaej?re 
lifie swa gescended, geselle him mon c scill. 

Bened . 1 47.6°: gif seo menigo to pam micel sy, pcet hy ne mcegen = Bened 2 88.6: 
sin autem multitudo non sinit. 

&lf. Horn. 1, 508.32: Nis . . . nan mann to pam dyrstig pcet he . . . binnan J?aere 
cyrcan cuman durre. 

Wulf. 174.6: na sig nan gehadod man to pam dyrstig pcet he aefre life aenigan men 
J?is faesten to abrecenne. 


14 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


5. With to I>aes . . . J>set, to the extent . . . that, so . . . that (15): 

Rede der Seele 98: Jxmne ne bij? nan na to pees lytel li> on lime aweaxen pat >u 
ne scyle for anra gehwylcum onsundrum riht agildan. 

Seaf. 42: nis J>aes modwlonc mon ofer eor]?an,. . . ne him his dryhten to pas hold, 
pat he a his saefore sorge nabbe. 

Zaubers. 1. 64: Nu ic bidde J>one waldend, . . . J>aet ne sy nan to pas ewidol wif 
ne to pas craftig man, pat awendan ne mage word )>us geewedene. 

Boeth 1 53.5: Nis nan to pas lytel aewylm pat he >a sae ne gesece = Boeth 2 52.11:0. 
Greg 1 345.9: sint to manigenne >aet hie gewisslice wieten pxt hie na on to pas 
manegum goodum craeftum ne beo]>, pat hie aefre magen gaes)>lice [sic] beon, gif 
hie ]?urh ungemodnesse agiemeleasia]?, ]?ast, etc. — Greg . 2 266.12: Discordes namque 
admonendi sunt ut certissime sciant quia quantislibet virtutibus polleant, 
spiritales fieri nullatenus possunt si uniri per concordiam proximis negligunt. 
Solil . 1 44.17: Naef]? >eah nan man to pas unhale aeagan pat he ne mage lybban be 
J>aere sunnan, and hire nyttian, etc. = Solil 2 44.32:0. 

Bl. Horn. 111.25: naenig man . . . topas [sic] mycelne welan nafa]>. . . pat se... to 
ende ne cume. 

6. With to J)on (]>an) \>sdt, to the extent that, so that (7): 

Boeth 1 65.17: is >aet Jonne forweor>fullic wela >aet naujer ne maeg ne hine selfne 
gehealdan ... to pon pat he ne pyrfe maran in\tumes = Boeth 2 60.6: a prasclara 
potentia quae nec ad conservationem quidem sui satis efficax inuenitur. 

Greg . 1 383.21 8 - b : Ongean Jaet sint to manianne \>& ]>e nabbaj? naw])er ne ildo ne 
wisdom to pon pat hie magen o]>]>t cunnen laran=Greg . 2 298.20: At contra ad¬ 
monendi sunt quos a praedicationis officio vel imperfectio vel aetas prohibet, etc. 
Warf} i89.22 a - b : ic geteah his mod to pon pat he lufode . . . }>& nunnan & ofer 
]?a sculdru paccode — Warf 2 229D b>0 : adjunxit quia . . . ejus mentem traxerit, 
ut in terga ejusdem . . . feminae blandiens alapem daret (or Indicative?). 

7. With to ]>on (J>an) . . . J>set, to the extent . . . that, so .. . that (10): 

Boeth . 1 69.10: ic here >aet >u faegenige o>erra monna goodes & heora ae>elo to 
Pon swi]?e pat ]>u ne tilige ]>t selfum agnes=Boe^. 2 63.25:0. 

Greg 1 67.25: Se J>onne bij> siwenige se Je his ondgiet bi]> to pon beorhte scinende 
pat he mage ongietan so]>faestnesse, gif hit ]?onne aj?istria]> }?a flaesclican weorc = 
Greg . 2 42.19: Lippus vero est cujus quidem ingenium ad cognitionem veritatis 
emicat, sed tamen hoc carnalia opera obscurant. 

Warf . 1 305.3: hwylc rihtgewittigra manna is to pon snotor pat he wylle >a gastas 
seegan lichamlice? = Warf . 2 368B*: Quis sanum sapiens esse spiritus corporeos 
dixerit? 

8. With to J?on J?aette, to the extent that, so that (1): 

Bede 1 296.30: Da waes . . . gemeted seo ]?ruh gerisenre lenge to gemete ]>aes 
lichoman, to pon patte from daele ]?aes heafdes eac swylce meahte wongere betweoh 


INTRODUCED BY CORRELATIVE PARTICLES 


IS 


geseted beon—Bede 2 227.14: inuentum est sarcofagum illud congruae longitudinis 
ad mensuram corporis, adeo ut a parte capitis etiam ceruical posset interponi (or 
Indie.?). 

BB. In the “Lindisfame Gospels” ( 0 ) 

No clear example of the Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by Prep¬ 
ositional Correlative Particles has been found in the Lindisfame Gos¬ 
pels. 

C. NOTES 

1. “Beet” seems to have been omitted in the locution “Swa . . . Beet” in Bede 1 
144.23: Is J?aet saegd, f>aet . . . swa micel sib waere in Breotone aeghwyder ymb, 
swa Eadwines rice waere, J)eah J>e an wiif wolde mid hire . . . cilde, heo meahte 
gegan buton aelcere scef»enise . . . ofer all f>is ealond =Bede 2 118.8: Tanta pax 
in Britannia quaquauersum imperium . . . iEduini peruenerat, fuisse perhibetur, 
ut, sicut usque hodie in prouerbio dicitur, etiam si mulier una cum . . . paruulo 
uellet totam perambulare insulam a mari ad mare, nullo se ledente ualeret. 

2. Repetition of “Beetite)” with the “Swa Bcette” and “Swa . . . Beetle)” par¬ 
ticles occurs at times, as in Bede 1 274.3 i b : Waes he . . . bicumen in swa micle 
lufan f>aere . . . gesetnesse . . . pcet gif he gehaeled waere, pcet he wolde to Rome 
feran & f>aer . . . his lif geendigan =Bede 2 214.18: Qui in tantum . . . tenebatur 
amore . . . institutionis, ut, si ab infirmitate saluaretur, etiam Roman uenire, 
ibique . . . uitam finire disponeret. See, also, Lind. Gosp., Mk. 15.5, quoted on 
p. 12 above. 

3. An interchange of “Swa . . . Beet” and “Swa . . . Swa” is found occasionally, 
as in Greg . 1 453.19®, 20®: Ond J>aet he huru swa egesige j>a ofermodan, pcet he f>a 
eaJ>modan mid J>y to swiJ>e ne feere; ond swa laere J>a oJ>re eajjmetta, swa he J?one 
ege to swif>e J>aem of)rum ne geiece^Greg? 384.14, 15: quatenus sic superbis 
praedicetur humilitas, ut tamen timidis non augeatur metus; sic timidis infundatur 
auctoritas, ut tamen superbis non crescat effrenatio. 

4. An interchange of Indicative and Subjunctive in a Consecutive Clause appears 
now and then, as in Lind. Gosp., Mat. 12.22, quoted on p. 12. 

5. Repetition of “Swa” with the “Swa Beet” Particle is found occasionally, as 
in AElf. Horn, n, 280.18: Godes cwydas sind to smeagenne mid swa micelre carful- 
nysse, swa pcet ealle his beboda mid andgite and weorce beon asmeade on nihte 
J?ises andwerdan lifes. See, too, Mlf. L. S. I, 286.50. 

6. Many “Swa . . . Swa” Clauses are considered consecutive by Dr. Benham 
that seem to me better interpreted as comparative. On p. 222 (c) he says: 

Swa . . . swa, besides being used as an equivalent for swa . . . pcet, is employed to intro¬ 
duce correlative, progressive result clauses, the progenitors of such modem periods as the 
following from Bacon, The History of King Henry VII: ‘But the less blood he drew, the 
more he took of treasure.’ Here there is a result, as it were, at every advance in the degree of 
action in the first clause. Swa .. . swa is used to introduce such clauses only when there are 
adjectives in the comparative degree in both clauses of the sentence. The greater part of 
our examples are to be found in CP. [ = my Greg. 1 ]. 


i6 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Of type (c) Dr. Benham lists 84 examples, but, as he himself states (pp. 348-352)? 
most of the verbs cited by him are in the indicative. Of the consecutive subjunc¬ 
tive with this particle he quotes Wulf. 180.14 as a typical example: aa is swa 
betere manna gehwilcum, swa he of tor to J?am gearwige hine silfne. To me, how¬ 
ever, the clause in this and similar examples denotes comparison rather than re¬ 
sult. 

The view advocated by me has been held by most earlier writers on 
Old English syntax, and is concurred in by Dr. E. E. Ericson, in his 
recent exhaustive study, The Use of “Swa” in Old English (Gottingen 
and Baltimore, 1932), pp. 42-47. It should be added, however, that Dr. 
Ericson’s purpose did not require him to differentiate indicatives and 
subjunctives. 

7. That “Be . . . Be” introduces Clauses of Result is asserted by Dr. Benham 
(p. 223): 

In a few instances pe ... pe has taken the place of swa . . , swa, or one of its variations, 
thus foreshadowing modem usage. This pe is for py, instrumental of se, seo, past, and is 
construed as an instrumental of degree of difference with the adjective in the comparative 
degree. 

Again, the majority of the examples cited by Dr. Benham (five in all) are 
in the indicative mood. As an example of the subjunctive in this idiom he 
cites Greg . 1 429.8: hit bib se degla Godes dom Jaethi eft py mare wit ehabben pe 
hi gere witon J>aet hi on J>weorh do}>, & f> ea h nyllaj? geswican. Whether used with 
the indicative or the subjunctive, the pe ... pe clauses in the examples cited seem 
to me to denote comparison rather than result; indeed, Dr. Benham’s own com¬ 
ment on py {pe ) as denoting degree of difference militates against, if it does not 
preclude, the classification of pe . . . pe clauses as consecutive. 

8. In Wcerf . 1 61.7 the text used by me (MS.C) has a co-ordinated indicative 
(& >aet hyp), but that used by Dr. Ericson has a consecutive subjunctive {swa 
poet hit si, etc.). 

9. Consecutive or Final ? Several clauses introduced by swa pat which I have 
listed as consecutive, are by Dr. Ericson (p. 73) allowably considered final: 
Bened . 1 68.12 {swa pat he sy gewend —Bened . 2 128.20); Bl. Horn. 245.22 {swa pat 
sien gewemmede ealle); Wulf. 193.15 {swa pat heo . . . ware godcund). On the 
other hand, several clauses introduced by swa . . . pat which I consider final are 
by Dr. Ericson (pp. 66 ff.) allowably considered consecutive: Bened . 1 66.3, 4 
{swa . . . pat huru J?a sawla healdene syn, and .... wyrcan {sic) =Bened 2 124.13, 
14); Met. Ps. 118.31 {Swa . . . pat ic . . . geheolde); Warf . 1 348.1 {swa . . . pat 
eallum . . . sy gecyped) = Warf 2 425 B. 

10. As Substantival Clauses are not included under Pure Consecutive Clauses , to 
which latter my study is restricted, Dr. Ericson (pp. 65 ff.) lists a number of 
complementary consecutive clauses with the subjunctive that are purposely ex¬ 
cluded in this monograph. 


CHAPTER II 


THE CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE INTRODUCED 
BY SINGLE PARTICLES 

In West Saxon nearly half the time the Consecutive Subjunctive is in¬ 
troduced by Single Particles. There are 351 consecutive subjunctives so 
introduced to 428 introduced by Correlative Particles. In the Lindisfarne 
Gospels only a few consecutive subjunctives (15) are introduced by Single 
Particles. 

A. In West Saxon (351) 

I. Normal Type: Introduced by swa, J>aet, J>aette 
General Statement 

The Consecutive Subjunctive in West Saxon is introduced by these 
Single Particles: 

swa, ‘so that’ (3). 

pcet, ‘that/ ‘so that’ (334). 

pcette, ‘that/ ‘so that’ (14). 

As is evident from the figures just given, only one of these Single Par¬ 
ticles is found often with the Consecutive Subjunctive, namely, pcet. This 
particle is so used in both the poetry and the prose of the Old English 
epoch, and is found in Early West Saxon and in Late West Saxon. 

In Consecutive Clauses introduced by Single Particles, the Sub¬ 
junctive is much more frequent than the Indicative, there being 141 
examples of the latter in the Old English prose works read by me to 351 
of the former. According to Dr. Benham (pp. 206-208, 248-252), the 
distribution of the indicatives is as follows: pcet {pat, pet), 138; pcette, 3. 

As pcet and pcette are regularly used in West Saxon to introduce Final 
as well as Consecutive Clauses, and as swa is used to introduce Modal, 
Comparative, Temporal, and Consecutive Clauses, it is more difficult to 
distinguish the consecutive use of the Subjunctive with Single than with 
Correlative Particles. Undoubtedly some of the subjunctives here classed 
as Consecutive may by others be considered Final. I hope, however, 
that, as a whole, my classification may be accepted by students of Old 
English mood-syntax. Scarcely any of the subjunctives here classed by 
me as consecutive are listed as final by the late Professor H. G. Shearin 
in his dissertation, The Expression of Purpose in Old English Prose, or in 
his later article, “The Expression of Purpose in Old English Poetry,” 
hereafter referred to as Shearin 1 and Shearin 2 respectively. 


17 


18 CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 

The Consecutive Subjunctive introduced by Single Particles, like that 
introduced by Correlative Particles, seems to me to be due primarily to 
the contingency of the result expressed in the dependent clause rather 
than, as has usually been held, to the nature of its governing clause, a 
topic discussed later in this monograph. 

Statistics 

Below I give what seem to me typical examples of the Consecutive 
Subjunctive with each of the Single Particles named above. 

1. With swa, so that (3): 

Rid. 61.17 (=p. 44.17): ©set is wundres dael on sefan searolic Jam J?e swilc ne 
conn, hu mec seaxes ord ond seo swijnre hond, eorles ingeJ>onc ond ord somod, 
Jungum gejjydan, J?aet ic wif> )>e sceolde for unc anum twam aerendsprsece abeodan 
bealdlice, swa hit beorna ma uncre wordcwidas widdor ne manden. [Professor 
Frederick Tupper, in his Riddles of the Exeter Book, sub. v. swa, conj., considers 
that swa here denotes result; but this passage is not cited by Dr. R. Schneider, 
in his Satzbau und Wortschatz der Altenglischen Rdtsel, pp. 21-23.] 

Rid. 88.31 (=p. 62.31): Wit waeron gesome saecce to fremmanne; naefre uncer 
awj>er his ellen cyJ?J>e, swa wit peeve beadwe begen ne onpungan. [Dr. Schneider, 
p. 23, considers this clause consecutive; but Professor Tupper translates swa 
here by ‘where.’] 

Laws, Ine, 92[7] b : Gif hwa stalie, swa his wyf nyte & his beam, geselle lx scill to 
wite. [Not cited by Dr. Benham. The clause may be modal, but the Quadripar- 
titus version reads: Si quis furetur sic, ut uxor eius nesciat (hoc) et pueri sui, 
reddat wite lx sol.] 

2. With l>aet, that, so that (334): 

Beow. 3081, 3082: Ne meahton we gelaeran leofne ]>eoden, rices hyrde raed aenigne, 
poet he ne grette goldweard Jxme, lete hyne licgean, Jaer he longe wass. [May be 
objective, but see my note to Beow. 3071 below.] 

Beow. 965: Ic hine . . . wri>an >ohte, pat he for mundgripe minum scolde licgean 
lifbysig, butan his lie swice. 

Beow. 3071: Swa hit op domes daeg diope benemdon >eodnas maere, >a Jaet J>aer 
dydon, pat se secg ware synnum scildig, hergum gehea]?erod, hellbendum faest. 
[No one of the four examples cited by me from Beowulf is classed as consecutive 
by Dr. E. Nader, in his “Tempus und Modus im Beowulf.” But each passage 
is rendered by a consecutive clause in the translations of Beowulf by Professor 
J. M. Garnett, by Professor C. G. Child, and by Professor F. B. Gummere.] 
Gen. 429: Gif hit eower aenig maege gewendan mid wihte, pat hie word godes, lare, 
forlaten, sona hie him pe la>ran beo>. [Not cited as consecutive by either Dr. 
H. Seyfarth, in his Leipzig dissertation (1891), or by Dr. G. Steche, in his Leipzig 
dissertation (1895). Both scholars, however, list Gen. 417 (pat he . . . fleogan 
meahte) as consecutive.] 


INTRODUCED BY SINGLE PARTICLES 


19 


Exod. 264: Him . . . wile mihtig drihten . . . dasdlean gyfan, pat hie lifigende leng 
ne moion agnian mid yrmjjum Israhela cyn. [May be Final, as by Shearin 2 , 
p. 249.] 

El. 831: Ongan ]>a wilfaegen aefter J>am wuldres treo, elnes anhydig, eor]?an delfan 
under turfhagan, pat he on twentigum fotmaelum feor funde behelede, under 
neolum ni])er naesse gehydde in J>eostercofan; he J>aer ]?reo mette in ]>am reonigan 
hofe roda aetsomne, greote begravene, etc. [Professor C. W. Kennedy, op. cit., 
p. 113, translates pat ‘until,’ making the clause temporal. But Dr. W. Kopas 
(Grundziige der Satzverkniipfung in Cynewulfs Schriften, p. 23) considers pat 
consecutive in this passage. It is possible, I think, that funde is here an analogical 
weak indicative: cf. Sievers, Ags. Grammatik, 3rd ed., Halle, 1898, §386, Anmk. 2.] 
And. 303: Naebbe ic faeted gold ne feohgestreon, welan ne wiste ne wira gespann, 
landes ne locenra beaga, pat ic }>e mage lust ahwettan. [Shearin 2 : Final; but Con¬ 
secutive according to Kopas, op. cit., p. 23, G. P. Krapp, sub v. pat, and H. A. 
Reussner, Untersuchungen iiber die Syntax in dem ags. Gedichte vom heiligen 
Andreas, p. 22.] 

Guth. 360: Ne sceal se dryhtnes J?eow in his modsefan mare gelufian eor]?an 
aehtwelan, J>onne his anes gemet, pat he his lichoman lade habbe. [May be Final, 
as by Shearin 2 , p. 243; but is more probably Consecutive, as by Max Furkert, 
Syntaktischer Gebrauch des Verbums in dem ags. Gedichte vom heiligen Guthlac, 
p. 26.] 

Met. Ps . 1 103.33: And ]>a fyrenfullan frecne forweor]>aJ>, J>a on ]?ysse eor]?an 
synt, ealle sniome, pat hio ne wunian on worldlife = 103.35: Deficient peccatores 
a terra, et iniqui, itaut non sint. [Shearin 2 , p. 243, lists as Final with a query; but 
the Latin indicates that the clause is more probably Consecutive.] 

Greg . 1 333.9: Hwaet forstent aenigum menn J?set, J?eah he mangige pat he ealne 
}>isne middangeard age, gif he his saule forspildt [sic]? = Greg. 2 256.24: Quid 
prodest homini, si totum mundum lucretur, animae vero suae detrimentum 
faciat? 

Greg 1 387.14“: Jjylaes hie gedwelle sio gehydnes & ]?a getaesu ]?e hie on ]?am wege 
habba]?, pat hie forgieten hwider hie scylen —Greg . 2 302.26“: ne subsidia itineris 
in obstacula perventionis vertant. 

Greg 1 119.17: }>ylaes J?aet geJ>oht hine ofersuij^e & on lustfulnesse his mod geteo 
hwelces un]>eawes, pat he hit mage }>onne to his willan gewealdan=Greg . 2 84.3: 
ne cogitationem vincat, ne in delectationem sui animum rapiat, ne jam sub se 
mens earn regere non possit. 

Chron. 138.14 (E 1009): we gyt naefdon J»a gesel]?a ne J»one wur]?scipe pat seo 
scipfyrd nytt ware Jnsum earde ]>e ma ]?e heo oftor aer waes. 

Laws, AElfred, 86[75]°: gif hie mon gelacnian masge, pat hio hal sie, geselle xii 
scill. to bote. 

Bened . 1 75.6: taece him man o]?er weorc, pat he ealles unnyt ne beo=Bened.‘ i 
142.16: injungatur ei opus quod faciat, ut non vacet. 

Bened 1 14.9: he sceal raedan and racian o]?ra manna saulum . . . pat he mage 
gef eon = Bened. 2 24.15: ita se omnibus conformet . . . ut . . . gaudeat. 


20 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


dElf. Horn, i, 514.19: Se aeswica]) o]?rum J?e hine on Godes daele beswic}), pat his 
sawol forloren beo. 

Mlf. Kept?, Deut . 1 28.29 b -°: Sende Je Drihten on ungewit & blindnysse . . . pat 
Ju ne mage J>ine wegas aredian & polie bysmor on aelcne timan = et non dirigas 
uias tuas. Omnique tempore calumniam sustineas. 

Gosp?, L . 1 23.22: ne mette ic nan Jing yfeles on Jnssum men pat he si dea]?es 
scyldig=nullam causam mortis inuenio in eo. 

Wulf. 307.2i b : we laera]) J>aet aelc cristen man geleornige hum pat he cunne 
rihtne geleafan understandan. 

Wulf. 285.5: gyf ]?onne Jussa J?reora Jinga aenig hwylcne man lette, pat hine to 
]?am faesten ne onhagie, Jonne is hit alefed J?aet, etc. 

3. With J>aette, that, so that (14): 

Exod. 509: for])am Jjaes heriges ham eft ne com ealles ungrundes aenig to lafe, 
patte si]? heora secgan moste. 

Boeth . 1 55.26: wena}) Jaet hi maegen . . . gegadrian . . . , patte nan butan ]?aere 
gesomnunga ne sie—Boeth? 53.57:0. 

Greg? 325.12: ac ofer J>aet ]?e ge selfe genog haebben, sella]? ]?aet J?earfum, & mid 
J>y hiera waedle gebetaj), patte sua ielce sua hie beo]) her gefyllede mid ure genyht- 
sumnesse, we beon eac mid hiera genyhtsumnesse = Greg? 250.23: “Non ut aliis 
sit remissio, vobis autem tribulatio, sed ex aequalitate, vestra abundantia illorum 
inopiam suppleat, et ut illorum abundantia vestrae inopiae sit supplementum.” 

Greg? 147.2 a : Donne is sui])e micel ])earf J>aet we . . . gemetgien ])a gemetgunge 
])aes reccedomes, patte . . . pat hit J>onne sua bald sie for his freodome Jaet hit ne 
gewende on selflice & on ofermetto =Greg? 106.1: necesse est, ut cura regiminis 
tanta moderaminis arte temperetur, quatenus subditorum mens ... sic in vocis 
libertatem prodeat, ut tamen libertas in superbiam non erumpat. 

Greg? 363.21, 22: for])am J>ast yfel hiera unryhtwisnesse hie haef]) ])onne giet 
ahierde, patte hie ])onne gemonnpwarige sio lufu & sio geferraeden hiora niehstena, 
& hie to beteran gebrenge=Greg? 282.i2 a - b : inter hos nimirum debet terrena pax 
construi, et priusquam ab eis valeat superna cognosci: ut hi scilicet quos contra 
dilectionem Dei malitia suae impietatis exasperat, saltern ex proximi amore 
mansuescant; et quasi e vicino ad melius transeant. [May be Final, but is not 
listed in Shearin 1 , pp. 59-63.] 

Greg? 255.18: geedniewa]) patte J>aet mod Je ofer his mae}) bij) upahaefen gemyne 
of Ipscm suingum =Greg? 192.30: ut animus, qui extra se in elationem ducitur, 

. . . memoretur. 

Greg? 105.15°: J>onne hie him ondetta]), hie beo]) onlicost suelce hi beren ])one 
ceak . . . ; patte sua hwelc sua inweard higige to gangenne on J)a duru J)aes ecean 
lifes, he Jonne ondette aslce costunge ])e him on becume =Greg? 72.19: velut ante 
fores templi luterem portant, ut quisquis intrare aeternitatis januam nititur, 
tentationes suas menti pastoris indicet. 


INTRODUCED BY SINGLE PARTICLES 


21 


II. Special Type: Introduced by \>s&t (occasionally by Jjsette) Follow¬ 
ing beon (wesan) without Intervening Adjective or Adverb. 

General Statement 

In the foregoing pages we have had illustrations of what may be 
termed the normal construction of the Consecutive Subjunctive Intro¬ 
duced by poet and pcette. Let us now consider a less frequent construction 
of the Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by poet (occasionally by 
pcette), namely, that one in which the consecutive subjunctive so intro¬ 
duced follows the verb beon 1 (wesan) without an intervening adjective or 
adverb between beon (wesan) and poet (pcette). Of this special idiom there 
seem to be two subtypes. One (a) occurs in an Interrogative-Deliberative 
Sentence; another (b), in a Sentence Resembling a Relative Clause of 
Characteristic. Though, as shown below, seldom so construed by former 
writers on Old English syntax, in each subtype the /^-clause gram¬ 
matically is a clause of result. As very little notice has been taken of this 
idiom in Old English, I give copious 2 examples of the two subtypes. 

Statistics 

Subtype (a) 3 (30 in West Saxon): 

Met . 1 198.18: hwa is on weorulde poet ne wafige, buton J>a ane J>e hit aer wisson, 
Ipse tte maenig tungul maran ymbhwyrft hafa]> on heofonum? = Met . 2 107.13: 
Nemo miratur, etc.—Similarly Met 1 199.31 =Met . 2 107.13. [Dr. Albert Eismann, 
Der Konjunktiv in Nebenscitzen in der altengl. Poesie, p. 3, cites the former pas¬ 
sage, but no other example of my Subtype (a).] 

Met 1 198.6: hwa is moncynnes poet ne wundrie ymb f>as wlitigan tungl? =Met . 2 
107.6: quis Arcturi sidera nescit . . . legem stupebit aetheris alti. [Cf. Met 1 
198.2: Hwa is on eor})an nu unlaerdra pe ne wundrige wolcna faereldes, rodres 
swifto, ryne tungla, hu hy aelce daege utan ymbhwerfa]? eallne middangeard? = 
Met 2 107.6, as in the preceding example.] 

Met . 1 199.40: hwa is on weorulde poet ne wundrige fulles monan, J>onne he f seringa 
wyrf> under wolcnum wlites bereafad? =Met . 2 107.13: Nemo miratur, etc. 

Met. Ps . 1 143.4: Hwaet is se manna, mihtig drihten, f>e f>u him cu])lice cy]?an 
woldest, of>f>e mannes sunu, poet hit gemet ware, f>aet Jm him aht wif> aefre haef- 
dest? = 143.3: quid est homo quia innotuisti ei, aut films hominis quia reputas 

1 Occasionally the subjunctive follows other verbs as ( weorpan in Boeth. 1 23.26 (p. 22 
below). 

2 In reality I give, on the following pages, all the examples that I have observed of Sub- 
type (a) and of Subtype (b), but in the general Statistics these have not been segregated 
from the normal type of the consecutive subjunctive with pxt and pxtte. Similar construc¬ 
tions in Modern English are treated by H. G. Shearin in his monograph, The “That”- 
Clause in the Authorized Version of the Bible, pp. 50-52. 

3 For somewhat similar locutions with pxs . . . pxt see pp. 10-n above. 


22 CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 

eum? [Note the interchange of relative and consecutive clauses in the Old Eng¬ 
lish.] 

Met. Ps . 1 88.4i B - b '°: Hwylc is manna, pat feores neote & hwae]>ere on ende dea]> 
ne sceawige? oJ> J>e hwylc manna is, poet his agene fram helle locum sawle ge- 
nerige? = 88.49 a - b -°: Quisesthomo qui vivet et non videbit mortem, eruet animam 
suam de manu inferi? 

Chr. & S. 17: Hwa is poet J>e cunne or]?onc clene nymj»e ece God? [Not in Ludwig 
Walter’s Syntaktischer Gebrauch des Verbums in dem ags. Gedichte “ Christ und 
Satan,” p. 33.] 

Boeth . 1 23.26: hwa wyr> get sefter us on Jfisse worulde, poet him nanwuht wi]? 
his willan ne sie? — Boeth. 7, 33.39: Quis est . . . tarn conpositae felicitatis, ut non 
aliqua ex parte cum status sui qualitate rixetur? [Not in Benham, p. 253, or in 
Wiilfing, n, 154.] 

Or os. 40.28: Hwaer is nu on aenigan cristendome betuh him sylfum pat mon him 
purfe swilc ondradan? = 41.22: no Latin. [Is in Benham, p. 253, but not in 
Wiilfing, n, 154.] 

Warf . 1 136.30: hwaet is pat ]>e wite hwylc J>aes mannes modge>ancas syn (MS. 
H.: hwylc man wat ]>aes mannes modge])ancas) ? = Warf . 7 i66A a : Quis enim scit 
hominum quae hominis sunt? [Not in Tilley, as he does not treat dependent 
clauses. Not in Benham, p. 253.] 

Warf} 301.10: hwylc man is pat J>e cunne Godes J>a diglan domas?(MS. C: 
pat cunne ) =364B a : Quis occulta Dei judicia sciat? [Not in Tilley. Not in Benham, 
P- 2 S 3 -] 

Warf. 144.10: hwylc eom ic la, pat ic aefre sceolde ]>yslicum men peowian? = 
i72A a : Quis sum ego, ut isti serviam? [Not in Tilley. Not in Benham, p. 253.] 
Bened} 2.19: Hwa is manna, pat . . . gode dagas geseon wille? = Bened . 7 4.24: 
Quis est homo, qui . . . cupit videre dies bonos? [Not in Benham, as he used the 
Winteney version of this work.] 

Bened . 1 2.18: Hwa is manna, pat lifes wilnige? = Bened . 7 4.23: Quis est homo qui 
vult vitam? [Not in Benham.] 

Bened} 133.4: hwylc tramet is, o]?]?e hwylc spraec >aes godcundan lareowdomes 
. . . pat ne sy seo rihteste bysen uran menniscan lifes? = Bened . 7 206.1: Qua 
enim pagina, aut quis sermo divinae auctoritatis Veteris ac Novi Testamenti, non 
est rectissima norma vitae humanae? [Not in Benham.] 

Bened} i33.6 a - b : hwylc boc is ]>ara halgan faedera . . . pat J?aet ne clypige and 
swege, J?aet we . . . cuman scylan to urum scyppende? = Bened . 7 206.3: Aut quis 
liber sanctorum Catholicorum Patrum hoc non resonat, ut, etc.? [Not in Benham.] 
Bl. Horn. 59.33: Hwylc man is pat mage ariman ealle J?a sar? [Not in Benham, 
p. 254, or in J. Flamme, Syntax der Blickling Homilies, p. 50.] 

Bl. Horn. 147.18: Hwylc is of us Drihten pat habbe swa hwite saule swa J»eos 
halige Marie? [Not in Benham, p. 254, or in Flamme, p. 50.] 

Mlf. L. S. 1, 232.191: Hwaet eom ic manna pat ic mihte God forbeodan? [Not in 
Benham, p. 254; or in P. T. Kuhn, Die Syntax des Verbums in Mlfrics Heiligen- 
leben, p. 57; or in B. Schrader, Studien zur MlfricschenSyntax (Jena, 1887), as 
Schrader does not take up mood-syntax.] 


INTRODUCED BY SINGLE PARTICLES 


23 


Mlf. Horn. 11, 192.15: Hwaet is se Drihten pat ic his stemne gehyran sceole? [Not 
in Benham, p. 254, or in Schrader.] 

Mlf. Hept. 1 , Exod} 3.n a - b : Hwaet eom ic pat ic ga to Pharaone & ut aladende sy 
Israhela bearn?=Quis sum ego ut uadam . . . et educam filios Israel? [Not in 
Benham, p. 254; or in Wohlfahrt, Die Syntax des Verbums in Mlf rid s Ueberset- 
zung des Heptateuch und des Buches Hiob, p. 63.] 

Mlf. Hept ., 1 Exod . 1 5.2: Hwaet is se Drihten pat ic him hyran scule? =Q uis est 
Dominus ut audiam uocem eius? [Not in Benham, p. 254; or in Wohlfahrt, p. 63.] 

Wulf. 140.3: hwa is aefre pat habbe swa hearde heortan J>aet he ne maege him 
ondraedon ]>a toweardan witu? [Not in Benham, p. 254; or in A. Morhbutter, 
Darstellung der Syntax in den vier echten Predigten des ags. Erzbischofs Wulfstan, 
p. 93. Strange to say, Mohrbutter declares that in Wulfstan only the indicative 
is found in clauses of result.] 

Wulf. 214.14“: hwylc man is ]?onne aefre, butan his heorte sy . . . awrecen, pat 
he wene ]?aet se papa and se biscop dorston swerian maenne a])? [Not in Benham, 
p. 254, or in Mohrbutter, p. 93.] 

Wulf. 225.5: hwilc man is ]?onne efre, butan his heorte se . . . awrecan [m], pat 
he wane J>aet se . . . papa and se biscup dorstan swerigan menne [sic] a]? ]?us micel 
megen? [Not in Benham, p. 254, or in Mohrbutter, p. 93.] 

Subtype {by (26 in West Saxon): 

Met . 1 188.50: nis ]?eah aenig man patte ealles swa bereafod sie ]?aet he andsware 
aenige ne cunne findan on ferh]>e, gif he frugnen sie = Met . 2 81.13:0. 

Rid. 61.5 (=p. 43.5): fea aenig waes monna cynnes pat minne ]>aer on anaede eard 
beheolde. [Not in Schneider, Satzbau und Wortschatz der altengl. Rdtsel des Exeter- 
buches, p. 22.] 

Guthl. 896: Naenig forjmm waes pat he aewiscmod eft sipade hean hyhta leas. 
[Sipade may be Indicative, as is claimed by Furkert, p. 26; not in Kopas, p. 23.] 

Guthl. 962: heo Adame . . . scencte bittor baedeweg, ]>aes ]?a byre si]?}>an grimme 
onguldon gafulraedenne Jmrh aergewyrht; ]?aette aenig ne waes fyra cynnes from 
fruman si]>]?an mon on moldan, patte meahte him gebeorgan & bibugan ]>one 
bleatan drync deopan dea]>weges. [Furkert, p. 26: Indie.; but Kopas, p. 23: 
Subjunctive.] 

Sal. 423: for]?on nis naenegu gecynd . . . pat he for]) ne sie fyrenes cynnes. 

Sal. 434: saegdon . . . }>set naere naenig manna middangeardes pat meahte ]?ara 
twega tuion aspyrian. 

Des Vaters Lehren 68: Is nu fela folca patte fyrngewritu healdan wille, ac him hyge 
brosna]?. 

Boeth . 1 55.29: Ac J>aet nis nan man patte sumes eacan ne pyrfe, buton Gode 
anum=Boe^. 2 53.60:0. [Not in Benham, p. 253; or in Wiilfing, n, 154.] 

4 For somewhat similar locutions with pas . . . pat seepp. 10-11 above. 


24 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Solil . 1 13.4: Nis nan ]?ara J>e J?e rihte sec]?, pat he ]>e ne finde =Solil . 2 13.25: sed 
non deseris, quia tu es summum bonum, quod nemo recte quaesivit et minime 
invenit. [Not in Benham, p. 253; or in Wiilfing, n, 154.] 

Laws, Gerefa 45S[i6] : nis senig man pat atellan mage ]>a tol ealle, ]?e man habban 
sceal. [Not in Benham, p. 253.] 

Warf} 345.8 a : J?a naes naenig ]>ara bro]?ra pat ware geeadmodod J>aet him to eodon 
& wijjsprecan woldon = Warf . 2 42oD a : cum . . . nullus e fratribus ei applicari et 
loqui dignaretur. [Not in Tilley, who does not treat Dependent Clauses; not in 
Benham, p. 253.] 

Warf . 1 320.2: nis naenig man, J>e hine cu]?e, pat he nyte ]?aet he swylc waes = 
Warf} 385A b : Quod sic fuisse, nullus qui ilium novit, ignorat. [Not in Tilley or 
in Benham, p. 253.] 

Bl. Horn. 103.19: nis naenig man pat asecggan mage ]?a miltsa. [Not in Benham, 
p. 254, or in Flamme, p. 50.] 

Bl. Horn. 219.25: nis naenig man pat Ja wundor ealle asecggan mage. 

Bl. Horn. 103.14: Nis J?aet J>onne naenig man pat purfe Jone deopan grund . . . 
gesecean. [Not in Benham, p. 254, or in Flamme, p. 50.] 

Mart. 46.1°: nis aenig manna pat he wile. [Not in Benham, p. 253.] 

Mlf. L. S. 11, 44.675: nu her nan scip nys pat heo to me unwur]?an becuman mage. 
[Not in Benham, p. 254, or in Kuhn, p. 57, or in Schrader.] 

A.S. Horn. L. S. 11, 166.59: Nis ]>onne nan man, pat J?aene deopan grund }?aes 
. . . fyres gesecan mage. [Not in Benham, p. 254.] 

A. S. Horn. & L. S. n, 166.62: nys naenig man, pat asecgan mage J>a miltse. [Not 
in Benham, p. 254.] 

A. S. Horn. & L. S. n, 169.133: nis nan deofol, ne nan synful sawl, pat hi mage 
behydan. [Not in Benham, p. 254.] 

Wulf. 3oi.3o b : gif hwa sy pat he nu gyt ne cunne, he hit leornige. [Not in Ben¬ 
ham, p. 254, or in Mohrbutter, p. 93.] 

Wulf. 136.12®: gyf hwylc man sy pat ne cunne his pater noster and his credan, 
beo he swy]?e geornlice embe Jaet he hit leornige. [Not in Benham, p. 254, or in 
Mohrbutter, p. 93.] 

Wulf. 284.10: gyf J>aet Jonne hwylc mon sy pat him on his mode to earfo]?e 
pince J?aet he on aelce tid swa forwernedlice lyfige, tylige he . . . ]?aet, etc. [Not 
in Benham, p. 254, or in Mohrbutter, p. 93.] 

Wulf. 96.2: for]>am nis nan man pat ne sy synful. [Cf. 94.7: nis se man on life 
\>e areccan maege ealle yrmja. Wulf. 96.2 is not in Benham, p. 254, or in Mohr¬ 
butter, p. 93.] 

Wulf. 211.14: for]?on nis an staepe pat heo wille oferyrnan fram nontide J>aes 
saeternesdasges o]? J?aes monandaeges lihtincge. [Not in Benham, p. 254, or in 
Mohrbutter, p. 93.] 

Wulf. 219.24: for]?on nis nan stepe pat hio [ = Jordan] wile oferyrnan fram nontide 
]?aes seternesdeges aer ]>aes monandeges lihtincge. [Not in Benham, p. 254, or in 
Mohrbutter, p. 93.] 


INTRODUCED BY SINGLE PARTICLES 


25 


B. In the “Lindisfame Gospels” (15) 

In the Lindisfame Gospels, somewhat more numerous than the con¬ 
secutive subjunctive introduced by correlative particles is the Consecu¬ 
tive Subjunctive Introduced by Single Particles. Of the latter about 
fifteen examples have been found in all. 

The consecutive subjunctive is introduced once by sua: — Mk. 9.3: 
woedo his awordne sint scinendo huit uel lixendo sui)?e suelce snaua sua — 
[a blank] ofer eorJ?o ne moege huito gedoe = uestimenta eius facta sunt 
splendentia Candida nimis uelut nix qualia fullo super terram non potest 
Candida facere (R.: mceg; W. S.: mceg). As is evident, in this passage the 
Lindisfame translator is alone in using the subjunctive. 

In three instances the consecutive subjunctive is introduced by pcet. 
The examples are Mat. 7.1: nellaj? ge doeme pcet ge ne se gedoemed 
= Nolite iudicare ut non iudicemini; Mat. 9.18: onsett hond ofer hia & 
life)? uel pcet hiu lifige = impone manum super earn et uiuet (R.: heo 
leofap; W. S.: ibidem ); Mat. 21.32: gie . . . gesegon ne hreonise hsefdigie 
[sic] aefter ]?on pcet gie gelefde him=uos autem uidentes nec paenitentiam 
habuistis postea ut crederetis ei. Of these three examples the Latin has a 
subjunctive in only two. 

Most frequent of all as an introductory particle is pcette, of which 
eleven examples have been found in the Lindisfame Gospels. John 6.7 
furnishes a typical example: tuu hund penninga to hlafum ne genyht- 
sumiaj) him pcette eghuelc an lyttel hothuoego onfoe = ducentorum de- 
nariorum panes non sufficiunt eis ut unus-quisque modicum quid accipiat. 
To these eleven examples of the consecutive subjunctive introduced by 
pcette in the Lindisfame Gospels the Latin correspondent is invariably a 
subjunctive. But in the Latin as in the Old English in some of the ex¬ 
amples the subjunctive may possibly denote purpose rather than result. 

In one of the eleven examples, it should be added, we have an illustra¬ 
tion of the Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by pcette following wosa 
without an intervening adjective or adverb: John 9.36: cusej? huaed is 
drihten pcette ic gelefo on him? = dixit quis est domine [sic] ut credam in 
eum (R.: gilefo; W. S. : gelyfe). In all three Old English versions the mood- 
form is indeterminate, but is probably intended for the subjunctive. 

C. NOTES 

1. “De” introduces a Clause of Result in Solil. 1 1.6? —Wiilfing (n, 155, 
Anm.) thinks that in the passage just cited we have pe introducing a clause 
of result: “An einer Stelle scheint pe einen Folgesatz einzuleiten: So. 163.5: 
ne com ic naper mid anre byrpene ham, pe me ne lyste ealne pane wude ham 
brengan, gif ic hyne ealne aberan meihte.” Wiilfing quotes Cockayne’s edition 
of the Soliloquies, whereas I refer to Endter’s edition; but for this passage 


26 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


the text is the same in each. With Wulfing Dr. Endter considers that pe here 
introduces a consecutive clause, and refers to Bosworth-Toller’s Anglo-Saxon 
Dictionary : “Zur Konstruktion des Folgesatzes mit pe vgl. Bo.-To.: A.S.D. 
unter pe m, i, /3 (adverb clauses).” Bosworth-Toller, however, does not cite 
this passage from the Soliloquies , nor does Dr. Benham. The latter, however, 
quotes (p. 207) from other texts three passages in which he considers that we 
have pe used as “a consecutive connective,” but presumably he construes pe 
in these instances as a relative pronoun rather than a conjunction. Dr. Hargrove, 
in his translation of King Alfred's Old English Version of St. Augustine's Solilo¬ 
quies (Yale Studies in English , No. xxh, New York, 1904) construes the pe- 
clause as causal, not consecutive, and translates: “Nor came I home with a bur¬ 
den, for it pleased me not to bring all the wood home, even if I could bear it.” 
From his translation, as well as from the entry in his glossary to his edition of 
King Alfred's Old English Version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies, it is evident that 
Dr. Hargrove takes lyste to be an indicative. To me, however, lyste seems a 
subjunctive here, and the J>e-clause to denote cause rather than result. 

2. “Op,” “Oppcet," and “Oppe,” ‘Until,' introduce Consecutive Clauses accord¬ 
ing to Dr. Benham, pp. 217-218. But, in the examples quoted by him, the 
clauses introduced by these particles seem to me to denote time rather than re¬ 
sult; and, when the verb is in the subjunctive, the passages have been cited in 
The Temporal Subjunctive in Old English, pp. 157-166. Dr. Ericson (p. 71) 
allowably considers that the following clauses introduced by oppoet denote result: 
Bened} 70.7 =Bened. i 132.17, Bened. 1 131.6 =Bened. i 202.15, Bl. Horn. 193.4, 
and Wcerf. 1 220.9, 10 = Wcerf. 2 268D. To me, however, these clauses seem more 
probably to denote time, and have likewise been cited in The Temporal Sub¬ 
junctive in Old English (pp. 161 and 164), except the examples from Wcerferth, 
which, despite the ew-ending of one of the verbs, I took to be indicatives rather 
than subjunctives. 

3. Duplication of Daet{te).— Occasionally, as in Greg 1 147. 2 a , quoted on p. 20 
above, poet{te) is pleonastically repeated. 

4. An interchange of Consecutive Clause and Relative Clause occurs at times, as 
in Met. Ps. 1 143.4, quoted on p. 21 above; in Wcerf. 1 320.2, quoted on p. 24; and 
in Gosp., 1 Mk. 1 4.22 b : Sojdice nis nan Jnng behydd pe ne sy geswutelod; ne nis 
digle geworden, ac poet hit openlice cume = Non enim est aliquid absconditum, 
quod non manifestatur: nec factum est occultum, sed ut in palam ueniat. 

5. Consecutive or Temporal? Laws 392 [6] is cited by Dr. Ericson (p. 66) as 
having a clause of result introduced by swa . . . poet. But I considered that the 
clause rather denoted time, and recorded it, on p. 165 of The Temporal Sub¬ 
junctive in Old English, under poet meaning ‘until,’ thinking that swa was com¬ 
pleted by forp rather than by poet. The passage runs: Of >am dsege, >e >set 
healsfang agolden sy, on xxi nihtan gylde man J?a manbote; j?aes on xxi nihtan 
>aet fyhtewite; ]>aes on xxi nihtan }>aes weres >aet frumgyld; & swa for}?, pcet 
fulgolden sy on }?am fyrste, Je witan geraeden. The Quadripartitus version gives 
donee for poet; Liebermann, damit. 

6 . Additional Consecutive Subjunctives, some introduced by correlative particles 
and some by single particles, cited by Dr. Benham, but not by me, because oc- 


INTRODUCED BY SINGLE PARTICLES 


27 


curring in texts not included in my study, are given on pp. 253-254 of Dr. Ben- 
ham’s dissertation. These additional examples make a total of 107, and are dis¬ 
tributed as follows: ^Elfric’s Grammatik, 1; /Elfric’s Version of Alcuin's Interroga¬ 
tions Sigewulfi in Genesin, 1; AUfric’s Writings in Ancient Laws and Institutes of 
England, 8; Colloquium JElfrici, 3; Apollonius of Tyre, 1; Byrhtferth’s Handboc, 
1; Cartularium Saxonicum, 7; Codex Diplomatics, 12; the Non-^Elfrician Writ¬ 
ings in Thorpe’s Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, 9; the Anglo-Saxon 
Version of the Hexameron of St. Basil, 1; Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft 
of Early England, 56; an Anglo-Saxon Leben des Neot, 1; the Old English Version 
of the Gospel of Nicodemus, 2; the Oldest English Texts, 4. Despite the absence 
of this large number of consecutive subjunctives from my statistics, my total of 
consecutive subjunctives in Old English prose is appreciably larger than that of 
Dr. Benham therefor, as explained in footnote x, p. 31, and footnote 2, p. 34. 


CHAPTER III 


ORIGIN OF THE CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE 
IN OLD ENGLISH 

A. NATURE OF THE GOVERNING CLAUSE 

Many previous writers on Old English syntax, including the only spe¬ 
cial student of the Consecutive Subjunctive in Old English, Dr. Ben- 
ham, have held that the chief factor in the use of the consecutive sub¬ 
junctive is to be found in the Nature of the Governing Clause,—a theory 
first set forth for the Germanic languages as a whole by Oskar Erdmann 
and, slightly later, by Ernst Bernhardt, in the early seventies, and by 
me designated, in The Temporal Subjunctive in Old English, pp. 18-19, 
the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood-syntax. 

Probably the fullest and most definite statement of this theory as 
applied to the Consecutive Subjunctive in Old English is by Dr. Wilhelm 
Fleischhauer, in his monograph, Ueber den Gebrauch des Conjunctivs in 
Alfred’s altengl. Uebersetzung von Gregor’s Cura Pastoralis. After declaring 
that he finds no essential difference between the use of the Consecutive 
Subjunctive Introduced by Correlative Particles and that Introduced by 
Single Particles, Dr. Fleischhauer (pp. 65-68) thus lays down the 
principle for the occurrence of the Consecutive Subjunctive in Old 
English: 

Im Konsekutivsatze steht Conj.: I., wenn der ganze Satz (Haupt- und Kon- 
sekutivsatz) 

§74. A., einen Wunsch enthalt. Dies wird im Hauptsatze ausgedriickt durch 
1., Imper. ...52., sculan . . . ; 3., blossen Conj. des Wunsches . . . ; 4., . . . is 

to +flekt. Inf_; 5., einen von pat eingeleiteten abhangigen Wunschsatz im 

Conj. . . . 

§75. B., eine Absicht enthalt. Dies wird im Hauptsatze ausgedriickt durch 1., 
finales pat . . . ; 2., finales pylas . . . 

§76. C., einen unsicheren Inhalt hat. Dies wird im Hauptsatze ausgedriickt 
durch 1., mag 2., swelce mit Conj.; . . . 3., gif mit Conj. ...54., pat is 

Ponne pat. . . Conj_(= Subjektssatz) pat... Conj-(=Pradikatssatz) 

. . . ; 5., eine Frage . . . 

§77. D., in eigentlicher indirekter Rede steht . . . 

§78. II., wenn der Konsekutivsatz A., eine Absicht enthalt . . . ; B., einen 
unsicheren Inhalt hat, was wir durch ‘etwa, vielleicht, moglicherweise’ aus- 
driicken konnen . . . ; C., unter dem Bereiche einer im Hauptsatze enthaltenen 
Negation steht. . . 


28 


ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 29 


While, as is evident from the preceding quotation, Dr. Fleischhauer does 
not utterly ignore the nature of the dependent clause as a factor in the 
use of the subjunctive in consecutive clauses, he considers that the chief 
factor is to be found in the nature of the governing clause; that the 
majority of consecutive subjunctives in Old English occur when the 
governing clause has an Imperative Mood, a Subjunctive Mood (Jussive 
or Optative), or a Negative Particle. 

As incidentally stated above, many writers on Old English mood- 
syntax have held substantially the view set forth by Dr. Fleischhauer. 
With slight modifications this view is expressed with reference to the 
consecutive subjunctive in the following monographs: Joseph Schiir- 
mann, Darstellung der Syntax in Cynewulfs Elene, p. 384; T. Wohlfahrt, 
Die Syntax des Verbums in AZlfric’s Uebersetzung des Heptateuch und des 
Buches Hiob, p. 15; Max Prollius, Ueber den syntaktischen Gebrauch des 
Conjunctivs in den Cynewulfschen Dichtungen Elene, Juliana, und Crist, 
p. 50, where it is stated that the consecutive clause “hat als modus 
sowohl indicativ wie conjunctiv, je nach der beschaffenheit des haupt- 
satzes”; P. T. Kuhn, Die Syntax des Verbums in JElfrics Heiligenleben, 
p. 22; E. Nader, “Tempus und Modus im Beowulf,” Anglia, xi, 444; 
A. N. Henshaw, The Syntax of the Indicative and Subjunctive Moods in the 
Anglo-Saxon Gospels, p. 43; Georg Steche, Der syntaktische Gebrauch der 
Conjunctionen in dem ags. Gedichte von der Genesis, p. 53; H. M. Blain, 
Syntax of the Verb in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle from 787 to 1001 A.D., 
p. 26, where, strange to say, we read: “Our investigation shows no ex¬ 
amples in the Chronicle”; Otto Henk, Die Frage in der altengl. Dichtung, 
Eine syntaktische Studie, pp. 13-14; Andreas Vogt, Beitrdge zum Kon- 
junktivgebrauch im Altenglischen, pp. 46, 71, 73-75. 

As Dr. Vogt is the most recent advocate of the Erdmann-Bernhardt 
theory as applicable to Old English, perhaps I should quote some of his 
statements. This theory, he asserts (p. 46), applies to Old English so far 
as the influence of an imperative mood or a hortatory subjunctive of the 
governing clause is concerned: 

Erdmann, Bernhardt, Wilmanns, Behaghel u. a. sprechen einem Imperativ oder 
Konj. etc. einen Einfluss auf den Modus des untergeordneten Satzes in den 
verschiedenen altgermanischen Dialekten zu. Gegen diese Ansicht erhob V. E. 
Mourek in mehreren Schriften energisch Widerspruch. In seiner Abhandlung 
‘Zur Syntax des Konjunktivs im Beowulf’ sucht er seine Meinung auch fur die 
Sprache des Beowulfepos und damit indirekt fur das Ae. uberhaupt zu verfech- 
ten. Moureks Einwande konnen aber m. E. nicht als berechtigt anerkannt 
werden. 

Dr. Vogt then seeks, unsuccessfully it seems to me, to demonstrate the 
erroneousness of Professor Mourek’s interpretation of the Erdmann- 


3 ° 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Bernhardt theory with reference to conditional, relative, and tem¬ 
poral clauses. Dr. Vogt speaks specifically (p. 71) of the subjunctive in 
consecutive clauses: “In Folgesatzen steht der Konj., wenn die Grad- 
bestimmung {pees etc.) im Hauptsatz und damit auch die erlauternde 
Folgesatzaussage verneint wird.” Later (pp. 73-75) Dr. Vogt discusses 
the influence of negation in the governing clause upon the mood of the 
dependent clause, and again seeks to uphold the Erdmann-Bernhardt 
theory of mood-syntax and to overthrow Professor Mourek’s strictures 
thereon. Dr. Vogt’s argument runs as follows: 

Die Einwirkung einer Negation auf einen untergeordneten Satz wurde fur das 
Beowulfepos und damit indirekt fur das Ae. iiberhaupt von V. E. Mourek (Zur 
Synt. des Konj. im Beow., Prag, 1908) mit Nachdruck bestritten. Gegen die rein 
ausserliche Auffassung, wie sie z. B. E. Nader in seinem Aufsatz ‘Tempus und 
Modus im Beowulf/ Anglia 11 , 444 ff. an einer Reihe von Stellen vertritt, dass 
eine Negation im iibergeordneten Satz schlechthin den Konj. im Nebensatz er- 
fordere, ist Mourek mit seinem Einspruch gewiss im Recht. Im iibrigen sind 
aber seine Einwande m. E. nicht anzuerkennen. 

Possibly Dr. Vogt’s first stricture against Dr. Mourek’s Beowulf 
monograph may be allowed some weight (p. 73): 

Mourek fiihrt (S. 122 ff.) alle moglichen Arten von indikativischen Nebensatzen 
auf, um zu zeigen, dass eine Negation im Hauptsatz ohne Einfluss auf den unter¬ 
geordneten Satz sei. Da sich die eigentliche Frage nur um gewisse Satzarten, 
namlich Relativ-, Konsekutiv- und erganzende Substantivsatze dreht, erledigt 
sich ein grosser Teil seiner Einwande von vomherein. 

But his second stricture seems to me indefensible. This objection must 
be quoted in fairness to Dr. Vogt despite its length (p. 73): 

Mourek sagt weiterhin (S. 123): ‘Ausnahmen von der vermeintlichen Regel sind 
so zahlreich, dass man sie nicht einfach iibersehen kann. Aber man behilft sich 
mit der Ausrede, dass in solchen Fallen sich der Einfluss der Negation des Haupt- 
satzes nicht auf den Nebensatz erstreckt. Sicher mit Unrecht, denn ware er 
iiberhaupt vorhanden, so miisste sich seine Wirkung immer zeigen.’ Es liegt hier 
eine Verkennung des Problems und eine willkiirliche, apriorische Forderung vor, 
deren Berechtigung Mourek mit keinem Wort dartut. Es verhalt sich, wie der 
Vergleich zwischen indikativischen und konjunktivischen Nebensatzen nach 
Negation zeigt, tatsachlich so, dass die Negation nicht ‘immer’ und in jedem Fall 
automatisch den Konj. im Nebensatz bewirken miisste. Der Konj. findet sich 
vielmehr nur dann, wenn die logische Moglichkeit dazu gegeben ist, namlich in 
jenen Fallen, wo die Negation die tatsachliche Giiltigkeit des Nebensatzes annul- 
liert und ihm damit vorstellungsmassigen Charakter verleiht. Zwischen negier- 
tem Hauptsatz und Nebensatz muss eine innere, sinnvolle Beziehung bestehen; 
die Verneinung rein als solche geniigt noch nicht, um den Konj. im abhangigen 
Satz nach sich zu ziehen. In den von Mourek (S. 124 ff.) als Gegenbeweis aufge- 


ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 31 


fiihrten indikativischen Nebensatzen nach Negation besteht kein solcher 
innerer Zusammenhang; die Negation beruhrt den Inhalt des Nebensatzes gar 
nicht. 

A slight modification of the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood- 
syntax, as applied to the Consecutive Subjunctive in Old English, is 
made by Professor Benham, op. cit., pp. 233-235. True, his general 
statement (p. 233) closely resembles that quoted from Dr. Fleisch- 
hauer: 

I distinguish the following circumstances under which the optative 1 is used in 
O.E. result clauses: (a) By Attraction, (b) After an Imperative, (c) To Express 
Tendency. ... (a) By Attraction (152) ... I mean that when a result clause 
depends on a clause in which the verb is already optative, the verb of the result 
clause is itself found in the optative. . . . This is by far the most numerous class 
of optatives in O.E. result clauses, and its use is nearly constant throughout the 
period. . . . (b) After an Imperative (38). When the manner or degree of action 
of a verb in the imperative mode is indicated by a result clause following it, the 
verb of the latter is found in the optative. . . . (c) To Express Tendency (85). 
In case the result is merely intended, or aimed at, the optative is used in consec¬ 
utive clauses in O.E. prose. The optative in this construction is equivalent to the 
infinitive of result in modern English or in Greek. In the latter, as Goodwin [220 
seq .] points out, the accomplishment of the result is inferential, if the infinitive 
construction is used. As much may be said for the infinitive of result in Modern 
English, and for the optative in O.E. 

But, on p. 235, Dr. Benham declares that the influence of a negative in 
the governing clause upon the mood of the dependent consecutive clause 
is by no means so potent as was claimed by Erdmann and by Bernhardt: 

Earlier investigators of the syntax of result, especially in single poetical texts, 
have been inclined to say that the use of the optative to express tendency has 
been confined to negative clauses; but, while it is true that four-fifths of the 
clauses of tendency in O.E. prose have [a] negative in the main clause, or [a] 
negative in the result clause, or [a] negative in both, or are rhetorical questions, 
yet there is the remaining one-fifth made up of affirmative clauses of tendency. 

Some writers on Old English syntax say nothing of the nature of the 
governing clause in consecutive sentences, but merely state that the sub¬ 
junctive in such clauses is due to the contingent nature of the result. 
Among these may be mentioned the following: O. Hennicke, Der Con- 

1 Professor Benham uses optative for my subjunctive. The numbers in parenthesis in my 
quotation give Dr. Benham’s totals for each category of the consecutive subjunctive. To 
these numbers, however, he later (p. 236) adds 71 consecutive subjunctives expressed by 
auxiliary verbs, and on p. 235, 22 unclassified consecutive subjunctives. 


32 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


junctiv im Altenglischen, p. 51, which, though devoted primarily to 
Middle English (1250-1500), treats briefly, also, of Old English; C. F. 
Koch, Historische Grammatik der Engl. Sprache , 11, 50; Eduard Matzner, 
Engl. Grammatik , 11, 137; Theodor Muller, Ags. Grammatik , p. 246; 
Julius Flamme, Syntax der Blickling Homilies , p. 50; Max Furkert, 
Syntaktischer Gebrauch des Verbums in dem ags. Gedichte vom Heiligen 
Guthlac,~p. 26; H. A. Reussner, Untersuchungen iiber die Syntax in dem ags. 
Gedichte vom Heiligen Andreas , p. 22; B. Hertel, Syntaktischer Gebrauch 
des Verbums in dem ags. Gedichte Crist , p. 22; H. Seyfarth, Syntaktischer 
Gebrauch des Verbums in dem Caedmon beigelegten ags. Gedicht von der 
Genesis, p. 28; A. Muller, Syntaktischer Gebrauch des Verbums in dem ags. 
Gedichte von der Judith, p. 13; J. D. Spaeth, Syntax des Verbums in dem 
ags. Gedicht Daniel, p. 27. But, while the writers above named correctly 
assert that the determining factor in the use of the subjunctive in con¬ 
secutive clauses in Old English is to be found in the nature of the de¬ 
pendent clause of result, no one of them attempts to demonstrate the 
correctness of that view. 

A few writers do not attempt to differentiate the Subjunctive of Re¬ 
sult from the Indicative of Result, but merely give examples of each 
mood. To this group belong, among others, these writers on Old English 
syntax: F. A. March, A Comparative Grammar of the Anglo-Saxon 
Language, p. 195; and J. E. Wulfing, Die Syntax in den Werken Alfreds 
des Grossen, 11, 151-155. Strange to say, Dr. Gerold Hotz, in his disserta¬ 
tion, On the Use of the Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-Saxon and Its Further 
History in Old English, p. 37, declares that in Anglo-Saxon the subjunc¬ 
tive never expresses result. 

Still others 1 ® stoutly deny that the nature of the governing clause has 
any influence upon the mood of the dependent consecutive clause. Pro¬ 
fessor V. E. Mourek, in his “Zur Syntax des Konjunktivs im Beowulf,” 
does not specifically take up the consecutive use of the subjunctive (prob¬ 
ably because of the paucity of examples thereof in Beowulf), but he con¬ 
cludes his article with this emphatic declaration: “Das Ergebnis der 
voranstehenden Untersuchung ist klar: die Regel, dass Negation, Im- 
perativ, Konj. des Hauptsatzes einen Konj. im Nebensatze herbeifiihren, 
hat fur den Beowulf absolut keine Geltung.” Though this statement is a 
bit too strong, yet it seems to lead in the right direction. Mourek 
finds subjunctives in Beowulf contravening the Erdmann-Bernhardt 
theory, and holds that the subjunctives seemingly in accord with that 
theory can be explained otherwise. 

Equally emphatic in his dissent from the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory is 

la In his penetrating study, The Comparison of Inequality, p. 3, Dr. G. W. Small denies 
the applicability of the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory to comparative clauses. 


ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 33 


Dr. Hans Glunz, in his excellent monograph, Die Verwendung des Kon- 
junktivs im Altenglischen. On pages 18, 36, 45, 49, 65, 78, 80, 84, 85, and 
108, Dr. Glunz inveighs against this theory as applied to various sorts 
of dependent clauses. On pp. 36 and 85 he commends the attacks of 
Mourek on this theory. And on p. 78 he specifically denies the applicabil¬ 
ity of this theory to the consecutive subjunctive in Old English: 

Die gewohnliche Erklarung, dass eine voraufgehende Negation u. a. den Kon- 
junktiv im Folgesatz bewirkte, dass sie die Ursache des Konjunktivs ware, hort 
sich einfach an, ist es aber nicht. Man kann sprachpsychologisch nicht begriin- 
den oder beweisen, dass man den Konjunktiv setzte da, wo der betreffende Satz 
von etwas Negativem, nicht Existierendem abhangig ist. In jeder Luge ist das 
der Fall, und doch liigt man im Indikativ. Der Konjunktiv ist nun einmal nicht 
der Ausdruck fiir etwas nicht Wirkliches, sondern der fur eine Seelenstimmung. 
Diese besteht hier darin, dass man einen Verbalvorgang mit zweifelnden Augen 
als unsicher, bedingt und von Unsicherem abhangig ansieht, im Zweifel, in der 
Ungewissheit. 

As is evident from the preceding quotation, Dr. Glunz bases his view 
of the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood-syntax primarily on theo¬ 
retical-psychological grounds. In 1925 I attacked this problem from the 
theoretical-statistical side in a series of Research Lectures at the Uni¬ 
versity of Texas, one of which in amplified form was published as a sepa¬ 
rate volume in 1931 (University of Texas Press), and another of which 
is presented in the present monograph. In the former work, the MS. of 
which had gone to the printer before the appearance of Dr. Glunz’s 
monograph in 1930, I maintained that the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory 
was inapplicable to the Temporal Subjunctive of Old English; and I was 
delighted to find my conclusion fortified by the independent investiga¬ 
tion of so able a scholar as Dr. Glunz. 

The Erdmann-Bernhardt theory, I now venture to assert, is as in¬ 
applicable to the Consecutive Subjunctive of Old English as to the 
Temporal Subjunctive. For, while the accompanying tabulation of the 
Governing Clause of Consecutive Sentences in West Saxon shows an 
appreciable number of subjunctives whose governing clauses might be 
considered as according with the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory, in the 
majority of cases (nearly 60 per cent) the subjunctives occur in contra¬ 
vention of that theory. And this is true of the two larger types of the 
Consecutive Subjunctive considered by us: I. Those Introduced by Cor¬ 
relative Particles, whether non-prepositional or prepositional, and II. 
Those Introduced by Single Particles. Moreover, this is true, in the 
main, of Subgroups A and B of I. Specially noteworthy is the very large 
number of instances—about 55 per cent according to our tables—in 
which a consecutive subjunctive occurs after a positive main clause. 


34 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


This percentage is larger than that given by Professor Benham (25 per 
cent), possibly because of the disparity between the total number of 
consecutive subjunctives for Old English prose given by me (698) and 
that given by him (368). 2 A theory that works less than half the time 
can hardly be regarded as satisfactory. And yet, as we shall see in the 
chapter on the Consecutive Subjunctive in the Other Germanic Lan¬ 
guages, this theory is still advocated by a majority of the grammarians 
who have written upon the mood-syntax of the Germanic languages other 
than English. 

The following Tables show the Nature of the Governing Clause in the 
Old English Consecutive Subjunctive. 


Group I: Introduced by Correlative Particles 
Subtype A: Non-Prepositional (362) 


Imperative 


Subjunctive 


Indicative 


Positive 

Negative 

Total 


Positive 

Negative 

Total 


Positive 

Negative 

Total 

7 

1 

8 

In Adhortative Cl. 

2 

3 

5 

In Independent Cl. 

72 

39 

hi 




In Apodosis Cl. 

0 

2 

2 

With sculan 

28 

0 

28 




In Deliberative Cl. 

1 

0 

1 


100 

39 

i 39 




In Jussive Cl. 

16 

3 

19 

In Appositive Cl. 

7 

0 

7 




In Obligatory Cl. 

43 

S 

48 

In Causal Cl. 

1 

0 

1 




In Appositive Cl. 

12 

0 

12 

In Conditional Cl. 

3 

1 

4 




In Comparative Cl. 

2-. 

0 

2 

In Consecutive Cl. 

1 

0 

1 




In Concessive Cl. 

2 

0 

2 

In Objective Cl. 

3 

3 

6 




In Conditional Cl. 

20 

s 

25 

In Pred. Nom. Cl. 

1 

0 

1 




In Consecutive Cl. 

4 

I 

5 

In Relative Cl. 

5 

0 

5 




In Final Cl. 

21 

2 

23 

In Subjective Cl. 

2 

0 

2 




In Objective Cl. 

22 

3 

25 








In Pred. Nom. Cl. 

7 

0 

7 








In Relative Cl. 

1 

0 

1 








In Subjective Cl. 

10 

1 

11 





7 

I 

8 


163 

25 

188 


123 

43 

166 


2 The disparity between my estimate of the consecutive subjunctives in Old English 
prose and the estimate of Dr. Benham, however, is not so great as at first appears. I 
reckon in my grand total (prose and poetry) about 90 indeterminate forms that seem to 
me subjunctive in function; but Dr. Benham does not include the indeterminate forms in 
his count. 


























ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 35 


Subtype B: Prepositional (66) 


Imperative 


Subjunctive 


Indicative 

Positive 

Negative 

Total 

Positive 

Negative 

Total 

Positive 

Negative 

Total 

0 

0 

0 

In Jussive Cl. 

0 

2 

2 

In Independent Cl. 

12 

14 

26 




In Obligatory Cl. 

2 

1 

3 

With sculan 

0 

0 

0 




In Appositive Cl. 

2 

0 

2 

In Conditional Cl. 

2 

0 

2 




In Concessive Cl. 

2 

0 

2 

In Consecutive Cl. 

0 

1 

1 




In Conditional Cl. 

7 

0 

7 

In Objective Cl. 

0 

1 

1 




In Consecutive Cl. 

1 

0 

1 

In Relative Cl. 

1 

2 

3 




In Final Cl. 

0 

3 

3 








In Objective Cl. 

6 

2 

8 








In Pred. Nom. Cl. 

1 

X 

2 








In Relative Cl. 

3 

0 

3 





0 

0 

0 


24 

9 

33 


IS 

18 

33 


Group H: With Single Particles (351)* 


Imperative 


Subjunctive 


Indicative 


Positive 

Negative 

Total 


Positive 

Negative 

Total 


Positive 

Negative 

Total 

10 

S 

IS 

In Adhortative Cl. 

3 

0 

3 

In Independent Cl. 

119 

S 3 

172 




In Jussive Cl. 

9 

4 

13 

With sculan 

8 

3 

11 




In Obligatory Cl. 

IS 

1 

16 


127 

56 

183 




In Optative Cl. 

X 

0 

1 

In Appositive Cl. 

0 

1 

1 




In Appositive Cl. 

4 

0 

4 

In Causal Cl. 

0 

1 

1 




In Comparative Cl. 

2 

0 

2 

In Conditional Cl. 

S 

1 

6 




In Concessive. Cl. 

3 

1 

4 

In Consecutive Cl. 

1 

6 

7 




In Conditional Cl. 

22 

9 

31 

In Objective Cl. 

2 

1 

3 




In Consecutive Cl. 

1 

1 

2 

In Relative Cl. 

s 

1 

6 




In Final Cl. 

7 

8 

15 

In Temporal Cl. 

3 

1 

4 




In Objective Cl. 

19 

S 

24 








In Pred. Nom. Cl. 

2 

0 

2 








In Relative Cl. 

3 

0 

3 








In Subjective Cl. 

2 

0 

2 








In Temporal Cl. 

2 

0 

2 





10 

5 

IS 


95 

29 

124 


143 

68 

211 


One example has an Accusative with an Infinitive as the Governing Clause. 











































36 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


B. LATIN CORRESPONDENTS TO THE OLD ENGLISH 
CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE 

Let us consider next what bearing the Latin may have had upon the 
use of the consecutive subjunctive in Old English. We discuss the two 
larger groups separately. 

7 . The Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by Correlative Particles 
Subtype A. Non-Prepositional 

Of the 196 Old English Consecutive Subjunctives found in the trans¬ 
lations and introduced by Correlative Non-Prepositional Particles, the 
Latin Correspondents are as follows: 

I. Oftenest a Subjunctive (134) • 

1. Of Result (98): 

(a) With ita ut (ita . . . ut), ‘so that,’ positive and negative (9), as in 
Bened} 42.13 (pos.) = Bened. 2 78.18; Bened} 70.15 s (neg .)=Bened} 134.2. 

(b) With sic ut ( sic . . . ut), ‘so that/ positive and negative (27), as in 
Gosp}, Mat} 5,i6 b (pos.); Bened} 66.7 (neg .) = Bened} i24.i9 b . 

(c) With talis . . . ut, ‘such . . . that’ (3), as in Wcerf} 187.9 h = Wcerf} 
228B 0 . 

(d) With taliter . . . ut, ‘in such manner that’ (1), as in Bened} 74.22 
(pos.) = Bened} 142.9 s . 

(e) With tarn... ut, ‘so . . . that’ (1), as in Mf. Hept}, Exod. 1 io.2i b . 

(f) With tantus . . . ut, ‘such . . . that’ (2), as in Mf. Hept. 1 , Lev. 1 
26.31 ( in tantum); Gosp. 1 , Mat} 15.33. 

(g) With quatenus, ‘to the extent that/ positive and negative (5), as in 
Greg. 1 253.23 a - b = Greg. 2 192.11, 12 (pos.); Greg} 107.15 °=Greg} 74 -n 
(neg.). 

(h) With sic quatenus ( sic . . . quatenus), ‘to the extent that’ (4), as in 
Greg} 229.14 = Greg} 174.1 (pos.), Greg} 389.4 = Greg. 2 304.22 (neg.). 

(i) With quin, ‘that not’ (1), as in Boeth} 59.1 s = Boeth} 56.18. 

(j) With ut (non), positive and negative, ‘that (not)’ (45)> as 
Bened} 68.12 = Bened} 128.20 (pos.); Bened. 1 63.20 = Bened? 120.12 
(neg.). 

2. In a Comparative Clause (1), as in Bede 1 372.34 = Bede 2 275.21 (?). 

3. In a Relative Clause (9), as in Bened} 109.21 = Bened} 176.2. 

4. In a Locative Clause (1), as in Boeth} 108.24 = Boeth} 93.83. 

5. In a Final Clause, positive or negative (16), as in Bened. 1 72.i9 b 
= Bened. 2 138.5 (pos.); Greg} 189.11 — Greg. 2 140.26 (neg.); Bened} 
64.20 = Bened} 122.12 s (neg.). 


ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 37 

6. In a Jussive Clause (2), as in Bened J 44.12 = Bened. 2 82.14. 

7. In a Conditional Clause, positive or negative (2), as in Boeth} 122.11 
= Boeth . 2 103.106 (pos.); Greg. 1 457.21 = Greg. 2 390.12 (neg.). 

8. In an Optative Clause (1), as in Solil. 1 7.g = Solil. 2 6.36. 

9. In an Objective Clause (2), as in Bened. 1 73.18 * = Bened. 2 140.4. 

10. In an Obligatory Clause (1), as in Bened} 44.16 = Bened. 2 82.18. 

11. In a Temporal Clause (1), as in 3 Llf. Hept. 1 , Deut. 1 14.24. 

II. Occasionally an Indicative (9): 

1. In an Independent Clause (5), as in Greg. 1 141.10“ = Greg. 2 100.29 b ; 
AElf. Hept. 1 , Deut. 1 15.7® 

2. In a Dependent Clause (4): 

(a) Relative (2) as in jElf. Hept. 1 , Exod 1 i6.i6 b . 

(b) Temporal (1), as in Greg. 1 453 - 35 a = Greg. 2 386.3“ ( dum). 

(c) Conditional (1), as in Bened. 1 107.15 = Bened. 2 172.20. 

III. Miscellaneous Locutions (26): 

1. An Imperative Mood (1), as in JElf. Hept. 1 , Exod. 1 io.n b . 

2. An Accusative with Infinitive (2), as in Boeth. 1 122.7 = Boeth. 2 103.104. 

3. An Infinitive as Predicate Nominative (2), as in Greg} 353 - 8 > 9 
= Greg. 2 272.2i“ ,b . 

4. A Subjective Infinitive (1), as in Boeth. 1 53.16 = Boeth. 2 52.16. 

5. An Objective Infinitive (2), as in Greg. 1 435.26 = Greg. 2 362.2. 

6. A Present Participle in the Predicative Accusative (1), as in Boeth} 
59.18 = Boeth. 2 56.28 b . 

7. An Appositive Participle (2), as in Greg. 1 59.8 = Greg. 2 34*18. 

8. A Participle in the Ablative Absolute (2), as in Greg. 1 107.i5 b = Greg. 2 
74.10. 

9. A Gerund in the Ablative (1), as in Greg. 1 229.15 = Greg. 174 - 3 - 

10. Ad plus a Gerundive (3), as in Bened. 1 13.17 = Bened. 2 140.4; Greg. 1 
2 35.2 b = Greg. 2 176.26. 

11. A Substantive in the Accusative as Object (1), as in Boeth. 1 59- 1 9 
= Boeth. 2 56.28. 

12. A Paraphrase (7), as in Boeth. 1 58.1 h = Boeth. 2 55 - 37 b - 

13. A Prepositional Phrase (1), as in Greg. 1 253.17 = Greg. 2 192.7. 

IV. Nothing (29), as in Greg. 1 199.13** = GVeg. 2 140.20“*; Bened. 1 
140.6 = no Latin. 

To sum up the matter, in Subtype A of the Old English Consecutive 
Subjunctive Introduced by Correlative Non-Prepositional Particles, if we 


3 « 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


consider the group as a whole, we find as Latin Correspondents 134 Sub¬ 
junctives (98 Consecutive, and the remaining 36 divided among ten 
different uses of the subjunctive), 9 Indicatives (5 Independent and 4 
Dependent); 26 turned by Miscellaneous Locutions (13 varieties); while 
29 have no Latin correspondents. The details are exhibited in the tables 
given at the end of this subsection. The variety of Latin correspondents 
to Subgroup A seems to indicate that, with the more frequently recur¬ 
ring particles ( swa pat and swa . . . pat), the Old English consecutive 
subjunctive is of native origin except possibly when the subjunctive is 
in the preterite, and expresses a result that to the modern mind seems 
real rather than inferential. 

With several particles of Subtype A, however, namely, swa swa, swa 
. . . swa, swa patte, swa . . . patte, swelc . . . pat, and swelc . . . patte the 
Old English consecutive subjunctive occurs chiefly in translations from 
the Latin, and, except in a few instances, has a Latin subjunctive (usu¬ 
ally consecutive, but occasionally final) as its correspondent. Hence it 
seems probable that the Old English consecutive subjunctive with these 
particles is not of native origin, but is due to Latin influence. 

The remaining particles of this group ( swa . . . pas pe, swelc pat, to 
. . . pat, pas . . . pat , and pillic . . . pat ) occur so rarely in the Old Eng¬ 
lish translations as to make trustworthy deductions impossible from a 
consideration of the Latin correspondents. 

For the details see the accompanying Tables of Latin Correspondents 
to Subtype A. 


Group I: Introduced by Correlative Particles 
Subtype A, Non-Prepositional 
I. Subjunctive (134) 



























ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 39 

I. Subjunctive (134) Continued 



Bede 

Boeth. 

Greg. 

Oros. 

Solil. 

£ 

£ 

S 

1 Bened. 

$ 

ha 

f 

to 

£ 

■8 

8 

Totals 

I 

In Final Cl. (Neg.) Pr. 

0 

0 

10 

0 

0 

0 

0 

4 

0 

0 

0 

O 

i 4 \ 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

°J 

In Jussive Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

O 

2 ) 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

0/ 

In Locative Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°\ 

Pt. 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

*J 

In Objective Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

2 \ 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 


In Obligatory Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 1 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 


In Optative Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 


In Relative Cl. Pr. 

0 

2 

1 

0 

1 

0 

0 

3 

1 

0 

0 

0 

8 1 

Pt. 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 


In Temporal Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

l ) 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

, 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

° J 


II. Indicative (9) 


In Conditional Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

X ) 

1 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 



In Independent Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

2 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 


5 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 



In Relative Cl. Pr. 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

2 I 

2 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°j 


In Temporal Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0} 

1 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°j 

— 







1 








9 


Group Totals 























































4 o CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 

III. Miscellaneous Locutions (26) 



| Bede 

Boeth. 

Greg. 

Oros. 

Solil. 

Pr. Ps. 

S 

Bened. 

Eept. 

Gosp. 

£ 


Totals 

Group Totals 

Ablative Absolute 

Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

r% 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

2 

Acc. with Inf. 

Pr. 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°J 

2 

Ad-\- Gerundive 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 




Pt. 

0 

1 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

3 

Appos. Participle 

Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

2 \ 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 


A 

Gerund in Abl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°J 

I 

Imperative Mood 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

A 

J 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 


Inf. as Pred. Nom. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

2 \ 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°j 

2 

Noun in Acc. as Obj. 

Pr. 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°J 

I 

Obj. Infinitive 

Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

2 \ 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 


2 

Paraphrase 

Pr. 

0 

3 

1 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

A 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

7 

Prepositional Phrase 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°\ 



Pt. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

I 

Pres. Ptc. as Pred. Acc. 

Pr. 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

I 

Subj. Infinitive 

Pr. 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

I 
















26 
























ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 41 
IV. Nothing (29) 



Subtype B. Prepositional 

Relatively few consecutive subjunctives occur in Old English of Sub- 
type B, those Introduced by Prepositional Correlative Particles, about 
34 examples in the translations from the Latin. To these Old English 
subjunctives the Latin correspondents are the following: 

I. A Subjunctive (15): 

1. Of Result (6): 

(a) With ut , ‘that/ ‘so that’ (2), as in Wcerf. 1 189. 22 h = Wcerf. 2 229D 0 . 

(b) With quatenus, ‘to the extent that,’ negative (1), as in Greg. 1 
417.1 = Greg. 2 338.5. 

(c) With ita . . . ut, ‘so . . . that’ (2), as in Bened. 1 69.y b = Betted. 2 
I 3 ° <1 3 - 

(d) With tails . . . ut { 1), as in Bened. 1 113.17 = Bened} 178.20. 

2. In a Relative Clause (2), as in Boeth. 1 25.6 = Boeth. 2 34.2. 

3. In a Final Clause, negative (3), as in Greg. 1 319.17 = Greg. 2 246.17. 

4. In an Objective Clause (1), as in Solti. 1 48 .^ = Solil. 2 48.25. 

5. In a Deliberative Clause (2), as in Wcerf. 1 304.21 = Wcerf 2 368B b . 

6. In an Appositive Clause (1), as in Bened. 1 65.1 = Bened} 122.16. 

II. An Indicative (7): 

1. In an Independent Clause (1), as in Solil. 1 3.16 = Solil. 2 3.31. 

2. In a Dependent Clause (6): 

(a) In a Conditional Clause (1), as in Bened. 1 47.6° = Bened? 88.6. 

(b) In an Objective Clause (1), as in Greg 1 345.9 = Greg. 2 266.12. 

(c) In a Relative Clause (4), as in Greg. 1 383.21 = Greg. 2 298.20. 




















42 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


III. Miscellaneous Locutions (8): 

1. A Prepositional Phrase (4), as in Greg. 1 425.24 a ’ h = Greg* 348.22 a - b . 

2. A Paraphrase (2), as in Solil. 1 35.12 = Solil. 2 35.24. 

3. An Objective Infinitive (1), as in Bede 1 1 I4-3 1 = Bede 2 93 . 5 . 

4. An Appositive Participle (1), as in Wcerf 1 189.22 & = Warf} 229D b . 

IV. Nothing (4), as in Solil. 1 44.17 = Solil. 2 44 - 3 2 - 

As in Subtype A, so in Subtype B, in an appreciable number of ex¬ 
amples the Old English Consecutive Subjunctive has as its Latin corre¬ 
spondent a subjunctive (6 consecutive and 9 distributed among five other 
uses of the Latin subjunctive). For the rest, the Latin correspondent is 
an Indicative 7 times (independent, 1; dependent, 6, of three different 
varieties); a Miscellaneous Locution 8 times (four varieties); and Noth¬ 
ing 4 times. Apparently, then, the Latin is not responsible for the origin 
of the idiom. 

On succeeding pages I give Tables of the Latin Correspondents to 
Subtype B of the Old English Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by 
Correlative Prepositional Particles. 


Group I: Introduced by Correlative Particles 
Subtype B, Prepositional 
I. Subjunctive (15) 



Bede 

Boeth. 

Greg. 

<0 

1 

*0 

CO 

£ 

£ 

*£> 

s 

j Bened. 

$ 

fcq 

•'A. 

<5 

£ 

3 

Totals 

Group Totals 

In Consecutive Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

3 

0 

0 

0 

0 

4 1 

6 

Pt. 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

I 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 



In Appositive Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

l ) 

1 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°) 


In Deliberative Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

2 \ 

2 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 



In Final Cl. (Neg.) Pr. 

0 

0 

3 

0 

0 

0 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

3) 

3 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°J 


In Objective Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

I 

0 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

x ) 

1 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°J 


In Relative Cl. Pr. 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

2 1 

2 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 







1 





1 

1 




T> 































ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 43 

II. Indicative (7) 




1 

K) 

cq 

Greg. 

Oros. 

Solil. 

<0 

£ 

If 

£ 

Bened. 

tq 

Gosp. 

Met. Ps. 

Met. 

Totals 

Group Totals 

Appos. Participle Pr. 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

x 

Pt. 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 



Obj. Infinitive Pr. 

I 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

x 

Pt. 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

of 


Paraphrase Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

X 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

2 1 

2 

Pt. 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°J 


Prepositional Phrase Pr. 

O 

0 

4 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

4 1 

4 

Pt. 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°J 
















1 


IV. Nothing (4) 



Bede 

Boeth. 

Greg. 

Oros. 

Solil. 

Pr. Ps. 


Bened. 

1 

tq 

<0 

3 

Met. Ps. 

Met. 

Totals 

Group Totals 

Pr. 

0 

2 

0 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

4 1 

A 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 


*r 

4 
























































44 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


II. The Old English Consecutive Subjunctive 
Introduced by Single Particles 

To the Old English Consecutive Subjunctives Introduced by Single 
Particles in the translations (about 175 examples in all), the Latin 
Correspondents are as varied as to those introduced by Correlative 
Particles. As correspondents to the former we find: 

I. Oftenest a Subjunctive (89): 

1. Of Result (55): 

(a) With ut, ‘that,’ ‘so that,’ positive and negative (45), as in Greg. 1 
255.18 — Greg. 2 192.30 (pos.); Gosp. 1 , Mat. 1 j.i h (neg.). 

(b) With ita ut ( ita ...«/), ‘that,’ ‘so that,’ (4), as in Bened. 1 14-9 
= Bened. 2 24.15; Mf. Hept. 1 , Deut. 1 28.27 13 . 

(c) With quin, ‘that not’ (2), as in Boeth. 1 59.1 h = Boeth. 2 56.18. 

(d) With quatenus, ‘to the extent that’ (2), as in Greg. 1 147.2 s = Greg 2 
106.1. 

(e) With talis ut, ‘such that’ (2), as in Bened 1 75.io b = Bened. 2 142.i8 b . 

2. Other Uses of the Subjunctive (34): 

(a) In a Causal Clause (2), as in Wcerf. 1 345.17 s = Wcerf. 2 42iA b . 

(b) In a Concessive Clause (1), as in Greg. 1 409.16 = Greg. 2 328.26. 

(c) In a Conditional Clause, positive (1), as in Greg 1 333.9 = Greg 2 
256.24. 

(d) In a Final Clause, negative (8), as in Greg 1 119.17 = Greg. 2 84.3. 

(e) In a Jussive Clause (1), as in Mf. Hept. 1 , Num 1 10.3 5 0 . 

(f) In an Objective Clause (2), as in Bened 1 65.7 = Bened. 2 122.19. 

(g) In an Obligatory Clause (6), as in Mf. Hept. 1 , Deut 1 28.29 d . 

(h) In a Predicate Nominative Clause (3), as in Mf. Hept. 1 , Jos. 1 

11 . 2 O b,0,d . 

(i) In a Relative Clause (3), as in Boeth. 1 36.27 = Boeth. 2 41.32. 

(j) In a Subjective Clause (1), as in Greg. 1 87.18“ = Greg. 2 58.16. 

(k) In a Temporal Clause (2), as in Mf. Hept. 1 , Deut. 1 28.61. 

( l ) In a Potential Clause (1), as in Boeth. 1 24.5 = Boeth. 2 33.44. 

(m) In a Deliberative Clause (3), as in Mf. Hept. 1 , Exod 1 3.n a ' b , 
quoted on p. 23 above. 

II. An Indicative (33): 

1. In an Independent Clause (19), as in Greg. 1 277.13° = Greg. 2 208.29. 

2. In a Dependent Clause (14): 

(a) Conditional (3), as in Bened. 1 103.12“ = Bened. 2 168.19. 

(b) Consecutive (1), as in Gosp. 1 , J. 7.35 (or Causal?). 

(c) Objective (1), as in Wcerf. 1 262.16 = Wcerf 2 32oC b . 

(d) Relative (8), as in Mf. Hept. 1 , Exod 1 10.25. 

(e) Temporal (1), as in Greg. 1 287.6 = Greg. 2 216.21. 


ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 45 


III. Miscellaneous Locutions (28): 

1. An Appositive Participle (3), as in Bede 1 394.25 b = Bede 2 287.13. 

2. A Present Participle in the Predicate Nominative (1), as in JElf. 
Hept. 1 , Deut. 1 28.34. 

3. A Consecutive Infinitive (1), as in Bede 1 394.25° = Bede 2 287.13 (or the 
Infinitive may be considered final). 

4. An Objective Infinitive (2), as in Greg. 1 109.16 ° = Greg. 2 76.5°. 

5. A Predicative Infinitive with Accusative Subject (1), as in Boeth. 1 
90.5 = Boeth. 2 77.11. 

6. A Complementary Infinitive (3), as in Greg. 1 159.8 = Greg. 2 ii4.24 b . 

7. A Gerundive in the Genitive (1), as in Oros 1 98.10 = Oros. 2 99.12. 

8. A Gerundive in the Dative (1), as in Bede 1 50.5 = Bede 2 30.11. 

9. ;ld+a Gerundive (3), as in Greg. 1 219.2 = Greg. 2 164.19. 

10. A Prepositional Phrase (3), as in Greg 1 87.1^ = Greg. 2 58.16. 

11. A Paraphrase (9), as in Bened. 1 63.18 s = Bened. 2 120.11. 

IV. Nothing (32), as in Bened. 1 140.20® = Bened. 2 : no Latin; JElf. 
Hept 1 , Judg. 1 15, p. 4 xi j 1 - 7 - 

We find, then, that to the Old English Consecutive Subjunctive In¬ 
troduced by Single Particles the Latin Correspondents are oftenest a 
Subjunctive (89, of which 55 are consecutive and the remaining 34 of 
thirteen different varieties), much less frequently an Indicative (33:19 
Independent and 14 Dependent of five varieties), and Miscellaneous 
Locutions (28 of eleven varieties). And in 32 instances there is no Latin 
correspondent. 

These facts lead us to believe that in most instances the Old English 
Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by Single Particles, is a native Eng¬ 
lish idiom, especially when referring to a contingent present or a con¬ 
tingent future event. It is probable, however, that, owing to Latin in¬ 
fluence, the idiom is relatively more frequent in the Old English transla¬ 
tions than in the original works. 

As to the special type 3 of the Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced 
by pat(te) Following beon (wesan ) without an Intervening Adjective or 
Adverb, discussed on pp. 21-24, the Latin Correspondents to Subtype 

3 As the examples of the special type of the Old English consecutive subjunctive have 
been quoted in full on pp. 21-24 above, it seems unnecessary to give specific references for 
the several different categories of Latin correspondents thereto. 


46 CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 

(a) (i.e., those occurring in an Interrogative-Deliberative Sentence) are as 
follows: 

I. Oftenest an Indicative (12): 

1. In a Relative Clause, 5. 

2. In an Independent Interrogative Sentence, 7. 

II. Somewhat less frequently a Subjunctive (6): 

1. Consecutive, 5. 

2. Deliberative, 1. 

III. Nothing (2). 

Though not strong, the Latin influence in this subgroup seems to me 
patent. While the consecutive subjunctive is more frequent in the Old 
English translations of this subgroup than in the Latin originals, the 
Old English consecutive subjunctives are echoes of true Latin consecu¬ 
tive subjunctives or of true Latin subjunctives of characteristic that were 
frequent in ecclesiastical Latin; and most of the Old English examples of 
Subtype (a) occur in ecclesiastical writings. 

Of the Consecutive Subjunctives of Subtype (b) (i.e., those occurring 
in Sentences Resembling a Relative Clause of Characteristic), only five 
examples have been found in the Old English translations. To these five 
examples the Latin correspondents are an Indicative in a Relative 
Clause, 2; a Subjunctive of Cause, 1; and Nothing, 2. As with Subtype 
(a), so with Subtype (b), I think that the Latin influence is probably 
greater than at first appears; for in the latter, too, the Old English con¬ 
secutive subjunctives are echoes of true Latin consecutive subjunctives 
or of true Latin subjunctives of characteristic that occur frequently in 
ecclesiastical Latin. A further consideration favoring this opinion con¬ 
cerning Subtype (b) is the fact that the consecutive subjunctives of this 
subtype occurring in the Old English original works are, as a rule, of the 
ecclesiastical Latin pattern. 

Before turning from our consideration of the Latin Correspondents to 
the Old English Consecutive Subjunctive, it is interesting to note how 
wide is the divergence in the handling of the Latin subjunctive of result 
by some of the Old English translators. In some texts ( Boeth}, Greg. 1 , 
JElf. Hept}) approximately half of the Latin consecutive subjunctives 
are similarly rendered; in others ( Gosp}), approximately two-thirds; in 
Benedict 1 , all but three; in Bede 1 , scarcely a dozen; and in Orosius 1 , none 
is so rendered. 

Following are shown Tables of the Latin Correspondents to the Old 
English Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by Single Particles. 


ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 47 


Group II: With Single Particles 
I. Subjunctive (89) 



Bede 

GQ 

bio 

Or os. 

Solil. 

Pr. Ps. 

£ 

Bened. 

Eept. 

£ 

<0 

•S 

Totals 

j Group Totals || 

In Consecutive Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

I 

8 

0 

1 

2 

1 

7 

IS 

is 

1 

0 

5I 1 

SS 


Pt. 

1 

2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

X 

0 

0 

4j 

In Causal Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

0 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

X 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 



In Concessive Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°1 

T 


Pt. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 


X 

In Conditional Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

T 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

° j 

X 

In Deliberative Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

3} 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

of 

6 

In Final Cl. (Neg.) 

Pr. 

0 

I 

4 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

7 1 

8 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 


In Jussive Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

A 

1 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

of 


In Objective Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

2 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

*1 


In Obligatory Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

6 

0 

0 

0 

6 1 

6 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

of 


In Potential Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°\ 

1 


Pt. 

0 

I 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 



In Pred. Nom. Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°\ 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

3 

0 

0 

0 

3/ 


In Relative Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

I 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

4 

3 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

of 


In Subj’ective Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°1 

1 


Pt. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1/ 


In Temporal Cl. 

Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

A 

2 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 / 

















89 




































48 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


II. Indicative (33) 



Bede 

Boeth. 

£ 

$ 

Oros. 

Solil. 

£ 

K 

Os 

S 

Bened. 

§ 

tq 

£ 

<3 

£ 

Met. 

Totals 

Group Totals 

In Consecutive Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

O 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

4 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°J 


In Conditional Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

O 

O 

2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

3 1 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0/ 

3 

In Independent Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

6 

0 

0 

I 

2 

3 

1 

0 

I 

4 

l8 l 

TO 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

O 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 



In Objective Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

I 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°! 


In Relative Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

1 

O 

O 

2 

1 

0 

3 

0 

A 

8 

Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°l 


In Temporal Cl. Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

O 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 


Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

O 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°f 
















33 


III. Miscellaneous Locutions (28) 



eq 

Boeth. 

Greg. 

1 

CO 

Pr. Ps. 


Bened. 

$ 

Cq 

! 

£ 

s 

3 

Totals 

Group Totals 

Acc. w. Infin. as Obj. 

Pr. 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°/ 

1 

A Gerundive 

Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

I 

0 

2 \ 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 

















3 

Appos. Participle 

Pr. 

1 

0 

1 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

3l 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

of 

3 

Comple. Infinitive 

Pr. 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

2 \ 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

1 

0 

0 

0 

A 

3 

Consec. Infinitive 

Pr. 

1 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

A 



Pt. 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

°j 

1 












































ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 49 


III. Miscellaneous Locutions (28) Continued 



IV. Nothing (32) 



C. OLD ENGLISH NON-SUBJUNCTIVE RENDITIONS OF LATIN 
CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVES 

The partial independence of the Old English translators is further 
attested by the large number and the variety of Non-Subjunctive Rendi¬ 
tions of the Latin Consecutive Subjunctive found in the Old English 
translations. And, since this method of rendering the Latin consecutive 
subjunctive is frequent whether this subjunctive is introduced (a) by a 
Correlative Particle or (b) by a Single Particle, we may illustrate the 








































CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


S° 

two types at one and the same time. For the Latin Consecutive Sub¬ 
junctive we find the following Old English non-subjunctive renditions: 

I. Oftenest an Indicative (272): 

1. In a Dependent Clause (210): 

(a) Consecutive (189), as in Bede 1 26.22 = Bede 2 10.32 (correlative);— 
Greg 1 183.10, 11 = Greg. 2 i36.20 a - b (correlative);— Bede 1 334-11, 12 = 
Bede 2 254.1 i a - b (single). 

(b) Non-consecutive ( 21 ): 

(aa) Appositive (2), as in Boeth. 1 127.7 = Boeth. 2 108.9 (correlative), 
(bb) Causal (4), as in Boeth 1 83.27 = Boeth. 2 72.27;— Greg. 1 271.15 
= Greg. 2 204.18 (single). 

(cc) Comparative (3), as in Bede 1 284.24 = Bede 2 220.18 (correlative); 
—Greg. 1 351.7, 9 = Greg. 2 270.25, 26 (single). 

(dd) Modal (1), as in Greg. 1 453.17 = Greg 2 384.13 (single). 

(ee) Objective (2), as in Greg. 1 143.21 = Greg. 2 104.2 (single). 

(ff) Predicate Nominative (1), as in Bede 1 284.23 = Bede 2 220.i5 b 
(single). 

(gg) Relative (1), as in Greg 1 417.9 = Greg. 2 338.14 (single). 

(hh) Subjective (1), as in Boeth. 1 132.31 = Boeth. 2 112.128 (correla¬ 
tive) . 

(ii) Temporal (6), as in Greg. 1 455.33 = Greg. 2 388.12 (single). 

2. In an Independent Clause (62), as in Bede 1 122.22 = Bede 2 99.14 (cor¬ 
relative); Greg. 1 2>9-2A = Greg. 2 20.5 (single). 

II. Miscellaneous Locutions (17): 

1. An Appositive Participle (1), as in Bened. 1 11.6 = Bened. 2 18.18 (correl¬ 
ative) . 

2. An Imperative Mood (4), as in Greg. 1 65.18 a ’ h = Greg. 2 4o.i5 a ' b (single). 

3. An Infinitive as Object (2), as in Oros. 1 220.9 = Oros. 2 221.12, 13 (cor¬ 
relative) . 

4. An Infinitive of Result (1), as in Solil. 1 28.5 = Solil. 2 28.28 (single). 

5. An Infinitive as Subject (2), as in Greg. 1 279.6, 7 = Greg. 2 210.15, 16 
(single). 

6. A Paraphrase (6), as in Bede 1 204.1 =Bede 2 160.5 (correlative); Greg. 1 
SAT- I== Greg. 2 268.3 (single). 

7. A Prepositional Phrase (1), as in JZlf. Hept. 1 , Exod. 1 12.36 (single). 


ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 51 


III. Nothing (64), as in Bede 1 116.13 = Bede 1 93.20 (correlative); Oros. 1 
38. 2S = Oros. 2 39.27 (single). 

This survey of the Old English Non-Subjunctive Renditions of the 
Latin Consecutive Subjunctive shows that very often for the Latin Con¬ 
secutive Subjunctive the Old English translator substituted an Indica¬ 
tive (272 examples in all, of which 210 are in a Dependent Clause and 
62 in an Independent Clause). Of the 210 Old English Indicatives in 
dependent clauses, 189 denote result, while the remaining 21 are dis¬ 
tributed among nine other varieties of dependent clauses. For 17 of the 
Latin consecutive subjunctives the Old English translators give us 
Miscellaneous Locutions of seven varieties; and for 64, Nothing. Clearly 
a considerable degree of independence is exhibited in these non-subjunc¬ 
tive renditions by the Old English translators, who in so many instances 
are loath to use the subjunctive to denote result. And, when we look at 
the Latin subjunctives of result that are turned by an Old English con¬ 
secutive indicative (or by other non-subjunctive renditions), we find that 
the avoided Latin subjunctive is in an appreciable majority of passages 
a preterite tense (201 preterites to 152 presents), and that often to the 
modern mind as to the Old English this Latin preterite seems to refer 
to an accomplished result rather than to an inferential result; hence the 
indicative seems preferable to the subjunctive in such passages. Ex¬ 
amples of this substitution are frequent in the West Saxon Gospels. The 
following are typical examples of this substitution: 4 — Gosp}, Mat. 1 8.24: 
Da wear]? mycel styrung geworden on ]?aere sae, swa pcet ]?aet scyp wearp 
ofergoten, mid y]>um = motus magnus factus est in mari, ita ut nauicula 
operiretur fluctibus;— Gosp. 1 , Mk 4.37: ]?a waes mycel yst windes ge¬ 
worden, and y]?a he awearp on ]?aet scyp poet hit gefylled woes = Et facta est 
procella magna uenti, et fluctus mittebat in nauem, ita ut impleretur 
nauis. 

For details see the following Synoptic Tables of the Old English Non- 
Subjunctive Renditions of the Latin Consecutive Subjunctive. The num¬ 
ber of such renditions would have been appreciably larger than here 
represented if I had taken account in Met. Ps. 2 and in Woerf. 2 of Latin 
Consecutive Subjunctives not rendered by Old English subjunctives,— 
an omission due to the fact that of these works I had to use Library 
copies, which could not be marked. 

4 With this Old English handling of a difficult situation compare the Latin habit as stated 
by Professors Gildersleeve and Lodge, op. cit., §543, Note 1: “Inasmuch as the Subjunctive 
cannot express a fact, the Latin Consecutive clause does not properly express actual re¬ 
sult, but only a tendency, which may, we infer, lead to a result. To obviate this difficulty, 
the Latin has recourse to the circumlocutions with accidit, evenit, etc.” 


Old English Non-Subjunctive Renditions of the Latin Consecutive Subjuni 
A. The Latin Subjunctive Introduced by Correlative Particles (228) 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 



4-5 

0) 

aAijRSa^i 

CM 

0 

0 

0 

O 

O 


0 

0 0 

0 

H 

CO 


■£. 


oaijisoj 

00 

0 

0 

0 

O 

O 


0 

0 0 

0 

H 

On 

00 


c/5 

a 

9AIJR§3^[ 

0 

0 

0 

0 

O 

O 


0 

0 0 

0 

0 

O 

CM 


PM 

SAIJISOJ 

VO 

0 

0 

0 

O 

O 


0 

0 0 

0 

0 

vO 





CO 

0 

0 

0 

O 

O 


0 

0 0 

0 

0 

CO 



Ph 

QATJISOJ 


0 

0 

0 

O 

O 


0 

0 0 

0 

H 

00 


Cq 

c/5 

£ 

9AIJRS3J^ 

0 

0 

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0 

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0 

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PM 

9ATJIS0J 

to 

0 

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H 

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9AIJRS9JVI 

0 

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PM 

9AIJIS0J 

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gAijisOjj 

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9ApRS9^ 

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4-5 

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9ApR39^[ 

0 

0 

0 

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0 

1 0 0 

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r-j 

Ph 

9AIJTS0J 

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0 

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Co 

c/5 

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9AIJRS9JNI 

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§ 

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QAIJISOJ 

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0 

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9AIJBS9 Jv[ 

0 

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0 

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Ui 

Ph 

9ATJISOJ 

to 

0 

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CO 

O O 


VO 

to 



4-5 

<u 

9AIJR29JSJ; 

0 

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Ph 

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4-5 

<u 

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-si 

M 

Ph 

9AIJIS0J 

0 

0 

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H 

t}- 

P§ 

c/5 

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aAp'eSajsj 

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Ih 

PM 

9ApiS0<J 

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H 

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4-5 

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gAijRSgj^ 

CM 

0 

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cm 

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Ih 

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H 

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toi w cm 

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How Rendered: 

I. By an Indicative 
(a) In Dependent Cl. 

In Consecutive Cl. 

In Appositive Cl. 

In Causal Cl. 

In Comparative Cl. 

In Subjective Cl. 

In Temporal Cl. 

Total Other Indies. 

(b) In Independent Cl. 

II. By Miscellaneous Locutions 

Appositive Participle 
Infinitive as Object 

Paraphrase 

IH. By Nothing 

Totals: 












































Old English Non-Subjunctive Renditions of the Latin Consecutive Subjunctive 
B. The Latin Subjunctive Introduced by Single Particles (125)_ 


ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 53 




3 AIJRS 3 N; 

H OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

0 

M 



Cm 

3 ATJIS 0 J 

O OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

0 

O 

Cl 


c /5 

<D 

oaij-bSon 

O OOOOOOO 

M 

OOOOO 

0 

M 



* 

3 AIJISOJ 

O OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

0 

O 



<D 


O OOOOOOO 

O 

OOOOO 

O 

0 



CM 

3 ATJISOJ 

V 3 OOOOOOO 

Cl 

O O O M O 

M 

0 

O 

tq 

c /5 

<D 

3 ATJRS 3 N 

<M OOOOOOO 

O 

OOOOO 

O 

Cl 

ci 


Ph 

SAIJISOfJ 

O OOOOOOO 


M O O O 0 

M 

Tf 



4-5 

3 AIJBS 3 J^[ 

O OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

0 

O 


*8 

u 

Ph 

3 AIJTSOJ 

O OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

0 

O 

H 

§ 

BQ 

c n 
<D 

9 AIJR 39 ^I 

m OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

0 

M 


Ph 

OApiSOJ 

0 OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

0 

O 



<5 

9 ApB§ 9 £[ 

O OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

0 

O 


£ 

Jh 

Ph 

3 ATJISO,J 

O OOOOOOO 


OOOOO 

0 

W 

to 

k 

P* 

(3 

9 AIJBS 9 JSJ; 

0 OOOOOOO 

M 

OOOOO 

0 

M 


Ph 

3 AIJISOJ 

tH OOOOOOO 

O 

OOOOO 

0 

w 



4-5 

a> 

9 AIJRS 9 ^I 

0 OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

0 

0 


V?* 

JH 

Ph 

OApiSOJ 

O OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

0 

0 

vO 

CO 

c /5 

3 ApRS 9 N 

O OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

M 

M 



Lh 

Ph 

9 ApiSO(J 

M OOOOOOO 

0 

0 M H 0 O 

1 Cl 

IO 



<D 

9 ApBS 9 N 

0 OOOOOOO 

O 

OOOOO 


4 


< 5 , 

Ph 

3 ApiSOJ 

m OOOOOOO 

to 

0 0 w 0 0 

IO 

£ 

00 

£ 

c /5 

<D 

3 ApB§ 9 N 

O OOOOOOO 

0 

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0 

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J-H 

Ph 

9 ApiSOJ 

O OOOOOOO 

c* 

OOOOO 

M 

to 



Pret. 

3 ApRS 3 JS[ 

3 ApiSO,J 

0 OOOOOOO 

h OOOOOOO 

0 

to 

OOOOO 

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0 

0 

0 

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ks 

0 

C/3 

<U 

9 ApaS 9 >I 

0 O^OOOOM 

0 

« 0 0 0 0 

0 

10 

to 


H 

Ph 

9 ApiSO(J 

M mOhWOHH 
w 

10 

0 O H 0 N 

0 

10 

<N 



<D 

SAP'bSoJvJ 

O OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

O 

O 


Boeth. 

H 

Ph 

9 AIJTSOJ 

O OOOOOOO 

0 

OOOOO 

M 

M 


Pres. 

aApvSajsf 

9 ApiSOJ 

O OOOOOOO 

h OOOOOOH 

0 

OOOOO 

OOOOO 

Cl 

*0 



hJ 

SApuSaN 

O OOOOihOO 

M 


OOOOO 

O 

10 


Bede 

fci 

CM 

9 AIJISOJ 

10OOOOOOO 

CM 

OOOOO 

H 

00 

00 

Pres. 

9 APB 39 N 

3 ApiSOJ 

M OOOOOOO 

roOOOOOOO 

0 

0 

OOOOO 

OOOOO 

0 

w 

to 

Cl 

Total 

ncih|hinhnhhcO| 
OWO 101 1 

1 H O 

H 00 

z 

I 

I 

ZI 

Cl 

10 

M 


How Rendered: 

I. By an Indicative 

(a) In Dependent Cl. 

In Consecutive Cl. 

In Causal Cl. 

In Comparative Cl. 

In Modal Cl. 

In Objective Cl. 

In Pred. Nom. Cl. 

In Relative Cl. 

In Temporal Cl. 

Total Other Indies. 

(b) In Independent Cl. 

II. By Miscellaneous Locutions 

Imperative Mood 

Infinitive of Result 
Paraphrase 

Prepositional Phrase 
Subjective Infinitive 

III. By Nothing 

Totals: 
























































54 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


D. CONCLUSION 

Let us strive now to draw some general conclusions as to the origin of 
the consecutive subjunctive in Old English. 

To begin with Subtype A of Group I, the Consecutive Subjunctive 
with Correlative Non-Prepositional Particles, the fact that the Old Eng¬ 
lish Consecutive Subjunctive is found almost exclusively in the poetry 
when introduced by pees . . . poet tends to show that this idiom is native 
to Old English, although the fact that only one example is found in 
Beowulf, and that most of the other examples occur in poems based on 
Latin originals, warns us that some Latin influence is possible if not 
probable. Since swa poet and swa . . . poet are found in most of the Old 
English prose texts, including for the latter both the Chronicle and the 
Laws, it seems likely that the consecutive subjunctive with these par¬ 
ticles is of native English origin. Again, however, we are surprised to 
find so few examples of this idiom in the Chronicle; and we note that the 
construction is quite frequent in the Old English translations from the 
Latin. As consecutive subjunctives introduced by swa poette, swa . . . 
poette, and swelc . . . poette are relatively few, except for one example of 
the second particle in the Laws are found only in Alfred, and except in 
six instances translate Latin subjunctives (usually consecutive), the oc¬ 
currence of this idiom in these categories is probably due to Latin influ¬ 
ence, at least partially. Though also infrequent, the consecutive subjunc¬ 
tive introduced by swa swa, swa . . . swa, and swelc . . . poet is probably 
of Latin origin, as the idiom has been found chiefly in the translations 
from the Latin, and with only two exceptions has a subjunctive in the 
original Latin. Of the consecutive subjunctive introduced by the re¬ 
maining particles ( swa . . . pees pe, swelc poet, to . . . poet, and pillic . . . 
poet) the examples are either so few or so scattered as to preclude a posi¬ 
tive statement as to the origin. 

We conclude, then, that in Subtype A of Group I, the Old English 
Consecutive Subjunctive is probably of native origin when introduced 
by these particles: swa poet, swa . . . poet, pees . . . poet; that it is probably 
of Latin origin when introduced by these particles: swa swa, swa . . . 
swa, swa poette, swa . . . poette, swelc . . . poet, and swelc . . . poette; and 
that its origin is indeterminable when introduced by these particles: 
swa . . . pees pe, swelc poet, to . . . poet, and pillic . . . poet. 

Again, Subtype B of Group I, in which the Old English Consecutive 
Subjunctive is Introduced by a Correlative Prepositional Particle, 
is very sparingly represented in the Old English poetry (3 examples 
only), is not found in the Chronicle, occurs chiefly in the translations 
from the Latin (Alfred, 25; Woerf}, 4; and Bened. 1 , 5), but is found also 
in the Laws (8 examples), in the Blickling Homilies (5 examples), in 
iElfric’s Homilies (5 examples) and Lives of Saints (1 example), in A. S. 


ORIGIN OF CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 55 


Horn. 6* L. S. II (3 examples), and in Wulfstart (7 examples). The wide 
distribution of the idiom seems to indicate native origin, though the fre¬ 
quency of the construction in Alfred was partially due to Latin influence. 

In Group II, the Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by Single Par¬ 
ticles, the idiom is so sparsely represented with one of the particles 
found therewith, swa (1 in the Laws), as to preclude positive statement. 
Dcette, also, is infrequent (14 in all, 10 in Alfred and 4 in the poetry); and 
as with pcet, the consecutive subjunctive with pcette is sometimes of na¬ 
tive origin, and is sometimes due to Latin influence, and under sub¬ 
stantially the same conditions as is the consecutive subjunctive with 
pcet, to which we now turn. With pcet the consecutive subjunctive is 
found in the poetry (49 in all, chiefly in poems based on Latin originals, 
though 4 examples occur in Beowulf), in Early West Saxon (in Alfred, 
64; in the Chronicle, 3; in the Laws, 27), and in Late West Saxon 
(Wcerf., 1 11; Bened., 1 19 ;Bl. Horn., 14; Mart., 3; ^Elfric, 88; A. S. Horn. & 
L. S. II, 8; Gosp., 1 19; and Wulf., 26). In a total of 334 examples of the 
Consecutive Subjunctive with pcet, 251 have a present tense referring to 
the future; and in this category the consecutive subjunctive is so widely 
distributed that we must consider the idiom native except in what I have 
termed the special type thereof, introduced by pcet{te) following beon 
(wesan) without an intervening adjective or adverb. Of this unusual 
type, Subgroup (a), in which the consecutive subjunctive clause intro¬ 
duced by pcet is preceded by an interrogative clause with hwa ( hwcet ), 
hwylc, etc., and the sentence as a whole is of the Interrogative-Delibera¬ 
tive Type, about 30 examples occur in all, chiefly in the present tense 
(26), occasionally in a preterite tense referring to the future, 4. Of Sub- 
type (b) of the special type, in which the Old English consecutive clause 
resembles a Clause of Characteristic, we have about 26 examples (21 
present and 5 preterite). For reasons stated on pp. 45 ff., each of these 
subtypes is probably due to Latin influence, at least in a measure. Of the 
Old English Consecutive Subjunctive with pcet, 83 examples are in the 
preterite tense. When this preterite subjunctive refers to a contingent 
future result (as in Beow. 965 and 3071, quoted on p. 18), the idiom is 
probably of native origin. But, when the preterite subjunctive refers to 
a past result which to the modern mind seems real rather than inferential 
(as in Elene 831, quoted on p. 19), the idiom seems due to Latin influence. 
The grounds for this conclusion have been given somewhat in detail on 
pp. 45 ff.; here we need merely state that the chief reasons are these. 
(1) The preterite subjunctive referring to an accomplished result is sel¬ 
dom found in Old English works, original or translated, the indicative 
being used instead of the subjunctive in numerous instances (80 per cent) 
even when the Latin original has a subjunctive. (2) The preterite sub¬ 
junctive referring to a future hypothetical result is found in the original 
Old English works as well as in the translations. 


CHAPTER IV 


THE CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN THE OTHER 
GERMANIC LANGUAGES 

Concerning the Consecutive Subjunctive in the Germanic Languages 
Other than English decided diversity of opinion exists, as will become 
evident from the following brief survey of the subject. Despite its brevity, 
it is hoped that this survey may shed some light on our main problem, 
the Consecutive Subjunctive in Old English. 

I. In Gothic 

According to Artur Kohler, “Der syntaktische Gebrauch des Optativs 
im Gotischen” (pp. 112-114) and Ernst Bernhardt, “Der gotische Op- 
tativ” (p. 22), the consecutive subjunctive, by them called the optative, 
is found in Gothic occasionally with ei, ‘that/ somewhat oftener with 
swe, swaswe, and swaei, ‘so that/ though the indicative is chiefly used 
with the three last particles. Says Bernhardt: 

An die finalsatze schliessen sich die consecutivsatze an, in denen griechischem 
&<rre (tva) ei, swe, swaswe, swaei entspricht. Dieselben stehen meist im indicativ, 
bisweilen nach griechischer art im infinitiv, womit wir uns hier nicht zu befassen 
haben. Aber es finden sich, auch abgesehen von den oben angefiihrten satzen mit 
ei, einige stellen mit dem optativ: Rom. vii, 6 andbundanai waurpum of witoda 
—swaei skalkinoma in niujipai ahmins jah ni fairnipai bokos ( &are 8ov\eveiv 
■finas)] I.C. xni, 2 jabai—habau alia galaubein, swaswe fairgunja mipsatjau, ip 
friapwa ni habau, ni waihts im (c "cure &prj pediaravai .); n. C. m, 7 jabai andbahti 
daupaus in gameleinim gafrisahtip in stainam warp wulpag, swaei ni mahtedeina 
sunjus Israelisfairweitjan du wlita Mosezis in wulpaus wlitis is (wore 8 waadat); 
11 C. I, 8 ni wileima izwis unweisans, broprjus, bi aglon unsara po waurpanon 
uns in Asiai, unte ufarassau kauridai wesum ufar maht, swaswe afswaggwidai 
weseima (B skamaidedeima uns) jah liban (ucrre i^airop-qd^vat. r/pas ); n. C. vm, 6 
ist von dem reichen ertrage der samlungen in Makedonien die rede, worauf 
Paulus fortfahrt swaei bedeima Teitaun, ei, swaswe faura dustodida, swah ustiuhai 
in izwis pO anst (eis t 6 irapaKaXetrai ■f/pas). 

Bernhardt offers the following explanation for the use of the subjunc¬ 
tive in these passages (p. 22): 

Liesse sich nun auch Rom. vii, 6 eine zweckbeziehung denken und war I.C. 
xm, 2 der optativ zur bezeichnung der folge eines fingierten hauptsatzes not- 
wendig, so ist doch fur die drei letzten stellen keine solche erklarung moglich, 
und man muss annehmen, dass das verhaltnis der grammatischen abhangigkeit 
die wahl des modus bestimt habe. Vgl. auch Skeir. m, 3. 


IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES 


57 


The last clause of the former sentence seems to be a brief designation of 
what I have called the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood-syntax with 
an affirmation of its applicability to consecutive subjunctives in Gothic. 

In his “Die Syntax der gotischen Partikel £/,” Dr. H. Klinghardt 
(p. 296) declares that ei never denotes result in Gothic, that in the only 
possible example of its consecutive use, Romans ix, 20, we have a causal 
rather than a consecutive sentence. 

Dr. T. L. M. Douse in his Introduction to the Gothic of Uljilas has only 
a brief paragraph concerning consecutive clauses (p. 254): 

To indicate Consequence or Result the Gothic sometimes uses swaswe or swaei 
with the infinitive, in imitation of the Greek wo-rc+infinitive (See § 90 (xii)); but 
more frequently swaswe, swaei, swe, with a finite verb, either indicative or 
(rarely) subjunctive, according as the clause is historical or argumentative; e.g.: 
Afslaupnodedun allai , . . swaei sokidedun ( Shttc <j v^reiv) mip sis tnisso (Mk. 
1.27) =‘They were all astonished ... so that they questioned with one another’; 
—Galuknoda himins . . . swe warp (<is kykvero) huhrus mikils (Lk. iv. 25) = 
‘Heaven was shut up, so that there was a great famine.’ 

In 1892 Professor V. E. Mourek published his essay, “Ueber den Ein- 
fluss des Hauptsatzes auf den Modus des Nebensatzes im Gotischen,” 
in which he seeks to controvert the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood- 
syntax with respect to Gothic. He discusses the alleged bearing of this 
rule on the mood of dependent conditional, relative, temporal, and con¬ 
secutive clauses,—the clauses in which the mood is said by the Erdmann- 
Bernhardt theory to be due to the nature of the governing clause. Ac¬ 
cording to this theory the subjunctive in such clauses is due primarily to 
the fact that in the governing clause there occurs an imperative mood, a 
hortatory subjunctive, or a negative particle. On pp. 292-295 of his 
monograph, Professor Mourek takes up one by one the examples of the 
consecutive subjunctive cited by Bernhardt (quoted above on p. 56) 
and attempts, successfully I think, to demonstrate that the subjunctive 
in these examples is not due to the nature of the governing clause but 
to the meaning of the dependent clause. This conclusion he reaches (1) 
because he finds instances of the indicative in dependent clauses that, 
according to the alleged rule, should have the optative, and (2) because 
the optative in the dependent consecutive clauses can be easily accounted 
for without reference to the nature of the governing clause. He concludes 
his essay with these words (p. 296): 

Das resultat der vorangehenden zusammenstellungen ist klar. Der einfluss des 
hauptsatzes auf den modus des nebensatzes ist im gotischen minimal, in der 
that nur auf die assimilierende kraft des optativs, und auch diese nur mit be- 
deutenden vorbehalten, beschrankt. Ueberall kommt man zur erklarung des 
optativs im abhangigen satze mit den eigenen umstanden des untergeordneten 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


58 

satzes aus und es gilt von demselben genau die gleiche regel, wie sie Bernhardt 
treffend (loc. cit., s. 8) vom optativ in hauptsatzen ausspricht: Totentialis und 
adhortativ, sowie der optativ des wunsches bezeichnen eine subjective erregung 
und eine theilnabme des redenden am inhalte des satzes, wahrend dieselbe beim 
adhortativ und beim wunsche im begehren nach verwirklichung besteht, ist sie 
beim potentialis zur reflexion liber die wirklichkeit abgeschwacht, die sich wider 
in verschiedene unterarten gliedert; der inhalt des satzes kann erscheinen als 
wahrscheinlich, als moglich, als zweifelhaft, als . . . im gegensatze zur wirklich¬ 
keit stehend.’ 

In two later studies, Syntaxis Slozenpch vU v GotUirit, (1893), pp. 320- 
321, and Nochmals iiber den Einfluss des Hauptsatzes auf den Modus des 
Nebensatzes im Gotischen (1896), Mourek reaffirms his original thesis, 
and strengthens his position. 

Professor W. Wilmanns accepted the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory con¬ 
cerning the influence of a negative principal clause upon the mood of the 
dependent consecutive clause at least in part. In his Deutsche Gram- 
matik (in, 1, §§140-142) Wilmanns treats of “Der Optativ unter dem 
Einfluss einer Negation im Hauptsatz,” and gives examples of the opta¬ 
tive in consecutive clauses in Gothic, in Old High German, and in 
Middle High German (§§140, 5, and 141, 4). 

Professor Joseph Wright in his Grammar of the Gothic Language (Ox¬ 
ford, 1910) says nothing of the mood in consecutive clauses. 

Professor Wilhelm Streitberg ( Gotisches Elementarbuch, §361, c) gives 
examples both of the indicative and of the subjunctive in consecutive 
clauses introduced by swe, swaswe, and swaei, but does not state the 
grounds of differentiation between the two moods. Probably, however, 
Streitberg held that, in consecutive clauses, as in relative and temporal 
clauses, mood-usage was determined by the nature of the dependent 
clause rather than of the governing clause. Concerning the mood in rel¬ 
ative clauses he remarks (§351, a.i): 

Mourek hat nachgewiesen, dass der Einfluss des Hauptsatzes auf den Modus des 
Nebensatzes verschwindend gering ist und sich auf den Optativ des Hauptsatzes 
zu beschranken scheint. 

And in §360.2, concerning the mood in temporal clauses he says: 

Der Optativ steht nur, wenn der Inhalt des Temporalsatzes selbst ihn ver- 
langt, namentlich dann, wenn der Temporalsatz hypothetische Farbung zeigt. 
Hie und da kann der Optativ des Temporalsatzes auch durch Angleichung an 
einen Optativ des iibergeordneten Satzes erklart werden. 

See further The Temporal Subjunctive in Old English, pp. 105-106. 

Despite the vigorous opposition of Professor Mourek to the applicabil¬ 
ity of the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory to the consecutive subjunctive in 


IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES 


59 


Gothic, Professor Otto Behaghel, in his recently published Deutsche Syn¬ 
tax (hi (1928), 622), lays down the following laws for the occurrence of 
the subjunctive in consecutive clauses in the Germanic languages, and 
cites what he considers proof-examples from Gothic, Old High German, 
and Middle High German: 

Der Konjunktiv kann eintreten: A. Wenn der Folgesatz Nebensatz einer Auf- 
forderung ist, vgl. §1307. B. Wenn er Nebensatz eines Satzes von negativer 
Form oder Bedeutung ist, vgl. §1301. C. Wenn er Nebensatz eines Bedingung- 
satzes ist, vgl. §1311. D. In anderen Fallen ganz vereinzelt. 

Unfortunately no syntax is given in the most recent Gothic grammar, 
Handbuch der vergleichenden gotischen Grammatik (Munchen, 1928), by 
Professor Ernst Kieckers, of the University of Dorpat. 

It is apparent, then, that most of the writers, early and late, on Gothic 
syntax adhere to the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood-syntax, 
though an influential minority oppose that theory. 

II. In the Scandinavian Languages 

The fullest and the most recent treatments of the subjunctive in the 
older Scandinavian languages are by Professor M. Nygaard: (1) “Om 
Brugen af Konjunktiv i Oldnorsk” (1883-85); (2) Norrtfn Syntax (1906). 
The consecutive subjunctive is treated in §§50-52 of the former work and 
in §§293-295 of the latter; and, as the statements concerning this use of 
the subjunctive are substantially the same in both, I quote only the 
latter. That Professor Nygaard holds that, in Old Norse, the use of the 
subjunctive in consecutive.clauses is dependent chiefly upon the nature 
of the governing clause, is evident from the following statements: 

Fjzilgesaetninger (indledede med at, svd at) saettes i Konjunktiv (a) naar hoved¬ 
saetningen er negtende . . .; (b) naar hovedsaetningen er sp^rgende . . .; (c) naar 
hovedsaetningen indeholder en opfordring (udtrykt i imperativ, opford. Konj. 
eller ved skulu) . . . ; (d) efter udtryk, som betegner ‘vaerdig, skikket, passende 
til’ . . . ; (e) naar folgesaetningen er f0iet til en betingelsessaetning eller en saet- 
ning med pdat (‘selv om, om ogsaa’). • • • Konjunktiv saettes endelig efter svd at 
i indskraenkende betydn. ‘forsaavidt.’... I alle andre tilfaelde saettes folgesaetnin¬ 
gen i indikativ. 

No modification of these statements is made in Professor Nygaard’s 
supplement to his Syntax published in 1917. 

In substantial agreement with the statement of Professor Nygaard 
just quoted is that by Professor B. Kahle, in his Altislandisches Elemen- 
tarbuch, §454: 

Die wichtigsten Konjunktionen, nach denen der Optativ steht, sind folgende: 1. 
at, ‘dass.’ . , . (g) In Folgesatzen, meist mit vorhergehendem sud, bei verneinen- 


6o 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


dem, fragendem oder befehlendem Hauptsatz, z. B. eige var sd leikr, at nakkuarr 
pyrfte vip hans at keppa, ‘nicht gab es das Spiel, in dem jemand sich hatte mit 
ihm messen diirfen’; hudrt ero peir brjpr sud ndr, at peir mege heyra mdl mitt , 
‘sind die Briider so nahe, dass sie meine Rede horen konnen?’ g&ttu hans sud 
at hann komesk eige d braut, ‘achte so auf ihn, dass er nicht fort kommt. 

Dr. Andreas Heusler in his revision of Kahle’s work gives no specific 
treatment of the mood in consecutive clauses, but Dr. F. Holthausen 
(.Altislandisches Elementarbuch , § 473 ) adopts the Erdmann-Bernhardt 
theory. 

Clearly, then, the writers on mood-syntax in the Scandinavian lan¬ 
guages so far quoted hold that the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood- 
syntax is applicable to the consecutive clause in these languages. 

Moreover, Professor Delbriick, in his “Der germanische Optativ im 
Satzgefiige” (pp. 201—304, especially pp. 242—245), seems to adopt, with 
some modifications, the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood-syntax not 
only for Old Norse but for the Germanic languages as a whole. Under the 
heading “Consecutive Satze,” he makes this statement concerning the 
mood in such clauses (p. 242): 

Was die modi anbetrifft, so wird der indicativ oder optativ gebraucht, je nach- 
dem der redende den inhalt des consecutivsatzes dem gebiete der tatsachlichkeit 
oder der vorstellung zuweispn will. Da nun die innere stellung des redenden 
zu dem inhalt des folgesatzes schon in der gestaltung des hauptsatzes zum aus- 
druck kommt, so kann man auch die ausserliche im allgemeinen zutrefiende regel 
aufstellen, dass auf einen positiven indicativischen hauptsatz (wenn er nicht 
etwa ein vorschreibendes verbum wie sollen enthalt) der indicativ folgt, auf einen 
negativen fragenden begehrenden aber der optativ. Nicht selten erklart sich auch 
der optativ daraus, dass man den abhangigen satz als finalsatz auffassen kann. 

Professor Delbriick gives illustrations from Icelandic, Anglo-Saxon, Old 
Saxon, and Old High German. But his im allgemeinen allows more ex¬ 
ceptions to his alleged rule than do many other writers on Germanic 
mood-syntax; as also does Professor Tenney Frank in his article on “The 
Use of the Optative in the Edda” (cf. especially pp. 28-30). And in his 
later work, Germanische Konjunktionssdtze, p. 7 2 , Delbriick seems less 
confident about the influence of a negative in the principal clause upon 
the mood of the dependent clause. In discussing “die Merkmale der 
Nebensatze,” he remarks: “Bei dieser Aufzahlung habe ich einen Punkt 
weggelassen, der gelegentlich erwahnt worden ist, namlich den Einfluss 
der Negation im Hauptsatz auf den Modus der Nebensatzes . . . weil 
ich zu einer mich befriedigenden Formulierung nicht gelangt bin.” 

III. In Old Saxon 

In Old Saxon, likewise, former investigators have uniformly held that 
the mood of the subordinate consecutive clause depends upon the nature 


IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES 


61 


of the independent clause. Professor Behaghel, in his Die Modi im Heli- 
and, p. 40, declares, 

Im zweiten Fall, im Folgesatze, steht der Indicativ, wenn der Hauptsatz positiv 
ist, der Conjunctiv, wenn er negativ (bei den im vorigen Paragraphen aufge- 
fiihrten Stellen,wo der Indicativ stand, erscheint auchnur positiver Hauptsatz). 

This view is substantially reaffirmed in his later work, Die Syntax des 
Heliand, §500. 

In discussing the consecutive subjunctive in Old Saxon the same 
attitude toward the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory is taken by Dr. H. 
Pratje, in his “Syntax des Heliand. I. Das Verbum,” §§70-71, and by 
Professor F. Holthausen, in his Altsdchsisches Elementarbuch (§537 on 
Folgesatze ): 

Diese werden eroffnet durch that und stehen nach positivem Hauptsatz im Indi¬ 
cativ, nach negativem im Optativ, vgl. habda them heriskipie herta gisterkid, that 
sia habdun bithwungana thiodo gihwilika, und: ni was ftmea so god, that siu lang 
libbian mdsti. Statt that kann auch so eintreten, vgl. willik thi tdgean sulik tekan, 
so thu an treuwa maht wesan an werolde. 

Almost without exception, we see, the writers on Old Saxon syntax 
have adopted the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood-syntax. 

IV. In Old High German 

Oskar Erdmann (JJntersuchungen iiber die Syntax der Sprache Otfrids, 
I, §§271 il.) speaks as follows of consecutive clauses introduced by thaz 
in Old High German: 

Wie in den Relativsatzen steht in der Regel auch in den durch thaz oder thaz ni 
eingeleiteten Folgesatzen der Indicativ, wenn sie sich an einen affirmativen in- 
dicativischen Hauptsatz anschliessen, eine wirklich eingetretene Folge eines 
wirklichen Ereignisses angebend. I, 9, 26 tho screib er, theiz ther tint sah. II, 3, 
52 quam in inan, thaz man sah. . . . Dagegen steht Conjunctiv regelmassig, wenn 
sich an einen negierten Hauptsatz der mit thaz eingeleitete Folgesatz so an- 
schliesst, dass sein Inhalt mit unter der Negation des Hauptsatzes steht. I, 8, 3 
siu ni mohta inberan sin, theiz alles wesan mohti. Ill, 26, 9 ni sprdchun sie, thaz 
si giloubttn. . . . Mit so im Hauptsatze: IV, 13, 47 (nist) ftant io so hebtger, thaz 
mih io gindtti. 

To this general rule Erdmann frankly recognizes several exceptions. The 
first exception noted by him (§273) is very slight: “Nicht nur an einen 
vollstandigen negierten Satz, sondern auch an einfache negierenden 
Partikeln (ni, nales) schliesst sich thaz mit einem Conjunctivsatze an, 
welcher gleichsam auf negativer, unwirklicher Grundlage aufgebaut 
ist.” Of more importance are the two following exceptions (§274): 


62 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


(b) Ebenso steht der Folgesatz mit thaz im Conjunctiv, wenn die im Hauptsatze 
fur ihn gegebene Grundlage unsicher oder bloss als moglich angenommen ist. 
So nach Fragesatzen und nach allgemeinem so wer. ...(c) Seltener folgt auf 
einen einfachen indicativischen Aussagesatz ein conjunctivischer Folgesatz. 

In bis later work, Grundziige der deutschen Syntax , §192, Erdmann 
holds to the same general rule, and contends that it applies not only to 
Old High German but also to Middle High German and to New High 
German, though not so stringently in the later epochs: 

Der Conjunctiv steht in der alteren Sprache uberwiegend und auch noch in 
der neueren sehr haufig (obwohl hier oft Conj. Prat, den Conj. Pras. ersetzt hat), 
sobald eine Negation im Hauptsatze eine solche Wirkung auf den Nebensatz 
xibt, dass der Inhalt desselben in das Gebiet des rein Vorgestellten oder nur 
Angenommenen verlegt wird. Dies ist bei verschiedenen Arten der Satzver- 
kniipfung der Fall, namentlich bei Relativsatzen, die etwas von einem Gegen- 
stande aussagen, dessen Existenz im Hauptsatze verneint wird: niemand ist, 
der das wisse (wiisste)-, bei Substantivsatzen: es ist nicht moglich, dass jemand 
alles wisse (jetzt gewohnlicher: weiss) ; bei Folgesatzen: er ist nicht so weise, dass 
er alles wiisste (jetzt kaum noch: wisse). Gleiche Wirkung wie die Negation iibt zu 
mit dem Adj. oder ein Comparativ mit folgendem als dass; ahnlich wirkt im 
Nhd. auch ohne dass. 

Erdmann then gives examples of the consecutive subjunctive (and in¬ 
dicative) in Old High German, in Middle High German, and in New 
High German. 

Dr. Karl Forster, in his dissertation, Der Gebrauch der Modi im 
althochdeutschen Tatian, holds that an interrogative or a negative in the 
main clause is followed by a subjunctive in the dependent consecutive 
clause of Tatian. For the former see §56, for the latter §61. 

In Notker’s translation of Boethius, the subjunctive, according to Dr- 
H. Wunderlich, is quite common in dependent clauses of result. In his 
dissertation, Beitrdge zur Syntax des Notker’schen Boethius, he states 
(p. 94 ): 

Die Folgesatze zeigen den Ind. Praes. in unserem Boethius ganz uberraschend 
selten. Nach negirtem Hauptsatz, nach Fragestellung, Konjunktiv oder Im- 
perativ finde ich im Folgesatz stets den Konjunktiv, allerdings, mit Ausnahme 
des ersten Falles, stets nur in Anlehnung an den lateinischen Text. Letzterer 
scheint mir iiberhaupt fur den Modus des Folgesatzes von ziemlichem Gewicht 
gewesen zu sein, wie eine Vergleichung der beiden Modi ergiebt. Gegen den 
lateinischen Text finde ich den Indicativnur in 44“ .24 . . . ebenso in 192“.21 und 
in65 b .2i; 203 b .ionach.y<5/i/f. 

And on pp. 108-109 we learn that the consecutive subjunctives in the 
Old High German Boethius are found almost altogether after a negative, 


IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES 


63 


an interrogative, or a hortatory (imperative or subjunctive) governing 
clause. 

In his study of Notker’s translation of Martianus Capella, Dr. Willy 
Manthey ( Syntaktische Beobachtungen, etc., p. 77) thus speaks of the con¬ 
secutive clause: 

Folgesatze stehen in acht Fallen im Indikativ, doppelt so oft im Konjunktiv. . . . 
Von jenen 16 Fallen zeigen 5 ohne lateinischen Vorgang den Konjunktiv. Dieser 
Modus erklart sich daher, dass die Folge nicht als Tatsache angefiihrt wird, son- 
dern als in der Ursache liegend, durch sie bedingt, gleichgiiltig, ob sie wirklich 
zustande kommt oder nicht. Es ist also eine Art innerlicher Abhangigkeit. 

On the other hand, in the Old High German Isidor Dr. Max Rannow 
finds only the consecutive indicative (Der Satzbau des althochdeutschen 
Isidor im Verhdltniss zur lateinischen Vorlage, p. 78): 

Fassen wir alle drei behandelten Falle (39.24, 35.3, 11.29) a l s Consecutivsatze, so 
ergiebt sich, dass der Uebersetzer stets die Conjunction dhasz gebraucht und in 
freier Weise den lat. Conjunctiv durch den deutschen Indicativ ersetzt, wahrend 
z. B. Notker im Boeth. in Bezug auf den Modus engeren Anschluss an das Lat. 
sucht (Wunderlich, S. 94). 

Apparently, then, the majority of those that have written specifically 
concerning mood-syntax in Old High German have adopted the Erd- 
mann-Bernhardt theory concerning the consecutive subjunctive in that 
language, though a few seem to hold that the use of the subjunctive de¬ 
pends upon the nature of the subordinate rather than of the governing 
clause. And the more recent authorities on Germanic syntax as a whole, 
as Behaghel ( Deutsche Syntax, in, 622), continue to assert that the 
Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood-syntax is applicable to Old High 
German. 


V. In Middle High German 

When we turn to Middle High German, the situation is much the 
same. Thus, Dr. Joseph Knepper, in his dissertation, Tempora und Modi 
bei Walther von der Vogelweide (p. 87), states that, in consecutive sen¬ 
tences, 

Conjunctiv haben wir: 

(1) nach opt.-imperativ. Hpts. 7,35: wir biten umb unser schulde dich, daz 
du uns sist genaediclich, so daz din bete erklinge; . . . 

(2) nach neg. Hpts. 7, 27: doch brahten si din lop nie dar, daz ez vollendet 
wurdegar; . . . 

Es macht sich also auch bei den Consecutivsatzen das bekannte Gesetz der 
modalen Assimilation sowie der Einfluss einer Negation im Hauptsatze geltend. 


64 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Similar statements are found in Dr. Hermann Gohl s dissertation, 
Modi in den Werken W. v. Eschenbach (pp. 19, 20). 

Professor Victor Michels ( Mittelhochdeutsches Elementarbuch, p. 279, 
a.4) writes as follows concerning the mood in consecutive clauses: 

In Relativ-, Konsekutiv-, Subjekt- und Objektsatzen steht nach negiertem 
Hauptsatze und bei inhaltlicher Beziehung zwischen der Negation des Haupt- 
und dem Inhalt des Nebensatzes der Konjunktiv zum Ausdruck dafiir, dass der 
Inhalt des Nebensatzes entweder allgemein oder fur einen bestimmten Fall 
nicht existiert. 

After giving examples of the subjunctive in these respective categories, 
Professor Michels continues: “Der Indikativ ist an sich nicht ausge- 
schlossen und gibt dem Satz grossere Bestimmtheit.” He then proceeds 
to cite examples of the indicative after a negative governing clause. 

In his Deutsche Grammatik (iv, 285) the late Professor Paul makes the 
following statement concerning the influence of the governing clause 
upon the mood of the dependent clause in Middle High German: 

Im Mhd. ist eine Beeinflussung des Modus im abhangigen Satze durch den 
Modus des regierenden Satzes nicht zu verkennen. Nach dem auffordernden oder 
wunschenden Konj. sowie nach dem Imperativ steht im abhangigen Satze in der 
Regel der Konj., wenn es sich urn etwas Gedachtes, noch nicht Feststehendes 
handelt. . . . Doch kommt daneben auch derlndik. vor und sogar Wechsel zwi¬ 
schen Konj. und Indik. ... In ahnlicher Weise steht der Konj. in abhangigem 
Satze, wenn im regierenden ein Verb, steht, das ein Geschehensollen bezeichnet. 

Of the same import is the statement in the twelfth edition of Paul s 
Mittelhochdeutsche Grammatik , revised by Dr. Erich Gierach. Of the con¬ 
secutive sentence, referred to under the more general term, Modalsatz, 
it is stated (§365): 

Der Konjunktiv steht gewohnlich in Substantiv-, Modal- und Relativsatzen, 
die von einem negativen Satze in der Art abhangen, dass die Negation mit 
Riicksicht auf den Inhalt des abhangigen Satzes ausgesprochen wird. 

In his Mittelhochdeutsche Grammatik, just issued from the press, Pro¬ 
fessor Otto Mausser, of the University of Munich, though admitting ex¬ 
ceptions thereto, in the main adheres to the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory 
of mood-syntax (pp. 1048 ff.). Under “C. Konjunktiv im Nebensatz, 
mit Konjunktion, Pron., Frage-, Relativadverb eingeleitet,” Dr. Mausser 
gives, besides other subheads, the following: “ib) Konjunktiv im Neben¬ 
satz bei a) Imperativ oder imperativischem Sinn oder fl) bei Konjunktiv 
im ubergeordneten Satz: sehr haufig anzutreffen, wenn auch die Regel in 
der spateren Zeit des 13. Jh. ofter durchbrochen ist; ... 7 - Konjunktiv 
in Relativsatzen mit konsekutivem oder finalem Sinne: auch dieser Kon- 


IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES 


65 


junktiv ist Formausdruck einer moderierten Behauptung. . . . 11. Kon- 
sekutivitdtskonjunktiv in Nebensatzen mit en, ne: ebenfalls ein Konjunk¬ 
tiv erflossen aus der Basis gemilderter Behauptung, im Nhd. iibersetzbar 
mit: a) ‘dass nicht, ohne dass, ohne zu,’ B) mit Relativsatz-f Negation.” 
In 11 Dr. Mausser gives a cross-reference to p. 836, A. 5, which reads: 
“Negation en, ne = ( ohne dass, ohne zu, dass nicht ’ oder durch Relativsatz 
mit Negation aufgeldst: Negation en steht in dieser Bedeutung im kon- 
junktionslosen Nebensatz hinter formell oder dem Sinne nach negativem 
iibergeordnetem Satz: zur Bezeichnung einer Folge.” 

Not quite such unlimited credence is given to the Erdmann-Bern- 
hardt theory by Dr. Heinrich Batjer in his dissertation, Die Verwendung 
der Konjunktion ‘ daz ’ in Wolfram von Eschenbachs Parzival. On p. 28 he 
remarks concerning the mood in consecutive clauses: 

Wie aus der grossen zahl der bisher angefiihrten falle hervorgeht, ist der indikativ 
der den folgesatzen zukommende modus. Das verbum dieser satze steht im kon- 
junktiv nur da, wo auch im selbstandigen satze der konjunktiv stehen wiirde oder 
wo der modus des nebensatzes durch den hauptsatz beeinflusst wird (vgl. 
Erdmann Grz. §158). 

On the same plane as the foregoing is Dr. Starr Willard Cutting’s 
statement in his dissertation, Der Conjunktiv bei Hartmann von Aue, p. 
35 - 

On the other hand, emphatic opposition to the applicability of the 
Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood-syntax to Middle High German has 
been voiced by two distinguished Germanists, Professor V. E. Mourek, 
who, as we have seen, denied the applicability of this theory to Gothic 
and to Beowulf, and Professor Josef Lesenar. Mourek, in his Zur Syntax 
des mittelhochdeutschen Konjunktivs mit Belegen aus Wolframs Parcival, 
(p. 2) asserts: 

Ich finde nun, dass auch in Wolframs Parcival . . . meine These, die ich bisher 
eigentlich nur fur das Gotische und fur Beowulf behauptet habe, dass namlich 
der Einfluss des Hauptsatzes auf den Modus des Nebensatzes minimal und 
hochstens auf die assimilierende Kraft eines vorausgehenden Konjunktivs 
beschrankt ist, auch fur das Mhd. voll und ganz ihre Giltigkeit hat. Von irgend 
einer Wirkung der Negation, des Imperativs, der Frage kann iiberhaupt keine 
Rede sein. 

For this stand Dr. Mourek assigns these reasons: (1) that in numerous 
instances he finds indicatives and subjunctives that contravene the Erd¬ 
mann-Bernhardt theory; and (2) that, in the few instances in which the 
conditions called for by this theory are found present, the subjunctive is 
to be explained by the nature of the dependent clause rather than by 
that of the independent clause. He then considers in detail the indica- 


66 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


tives and the subjunctives found in six books of the Parcival, and strives, 
successfully it seems to me, to prove that the foregoing statements are 
true of this Middle High German monument. He treats consecutive sen¬ 
tences on pp. 23-24. And he concludes his study with this emphatic 
declaration: 

Nachdem sonach bei Wolfram von einer Wirksamkeit der vermeintlichen Regel 
keine Spur nachzuweisen ist, und nachdem meine Seminaristen auch zahlreiche 
andere mhd. Sprachdenkmaler mit demselben Enderfolge durchgenommen 
haben, stehe ich nicht an nunmehr entschieden zu erklaren, dass die Regel auch 
im Mhd. nicht gilt. 

No less emphatic is Professor Josef Lesenar’s opposition to the Erd- 
mann-Bernhardt theory. In his study, Ueber den Einfluss des Eaupt- 
satzes auf den Modus des Nebensatzes in Gottfrieds Tristan (Prag, 1910), 
which was read before the Royal Bohemian Academy of Science almost a 
year earlier than Professor Mourek’s Parcival paper, though both were 
published in the same year, the indicatives and the subjunctives in the 
Tristan were subjected to a searching investigation. Concerning the sub¬ 
junctive in consecutive clauses Professor Lesenar (p. 21) asserts, it 
seems to me justifiably: 

Wo immer der Konjunktiv im Konsekutivsatze zum Vorschein kommt, ist er 
also durch die eigenen Umstande des Nebensatzes begriindet, so dass man auch 
in diesem Falle nicht von dem Einfluss des Hauptsatzes sprechen kann. 

Other sections of Professor Lesenar’s monograph are devoted to the 
subjunctive in relative clauses (pp. 3-11), in dependent declarative and 
interrogative clauses (pp. 11-16), in conditional clauses (pp. 16-19), in 
temporal, causal, and comparative clauses (pp. 22-30). Professor Lesenar 
sums up his study as a whole in these words (pp. 30-3 x ) : 

Wenn wir nun die Ergebnisse der einzelnen Satzgruppen zusammenfassen, so 
gelangen wir zu dem Resultate, dass von irgend einer Geltung der Regeln Erd¬ 
manns in unserem Falle—und wohl uberhaupt auch im Mhd. gar keine Rede 
sein kann. Der iibergeordnete Satz entscheidet niemals (mit Ausnahme der 
beschrankten assimilierenden Einwirkung eines regierenden Konjunktivs) liber 
die Wahl des Modus im Nebensatze, dieser lasst sich immer aus den ureigensten 
Umstanden des abhangigen Satzes erklaren, d. h. der Nebensatz hat den Modus, 
den er auch hatte, wenn er unabhangig ware. Er steht namlich im Indikativ, 
wenn der Redende keinen besonderen Grund hat einen anderen Modus zu setzen, 
dagegen bedient sich der Redende des Konjunktivs des Verbums, wenn er die 
Handlung des Nebensatzes als erwiinscht, oder moglich oder zweifelhaft oder 
vergangen moglich bezeichnen will. 

With few but weighty exceptions, the writers on Middle High German 
syntax, as we have seen, accept with only slight modifications the theory 


IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES 


67' 


of mood-syntax expounded by Erdmann and Bernhardt. This theory is 
advocated as applicable to Middle High German, also, among the more 
recent authorities on Germanic syntax in general; it is sponsored by 
Paul (Deutsche Grammatik, iv, §473) and by Behaghel (Deutsche Syntax , 
hi, 622). 

VI. CONCLUSION 

It is apparent, then, that the majority of the writers on Germanic 
mood-syntax, including several recent writers (as Behaghel, Holthausen, 
Mausser, Nygaard, and Paul), adhere in the main to the Erdmann- 
Bernhardt theory, and hold that the chief factor in the use of the depend¬ 
ent consecutive subjunctive is to be found in the nature of the govern¬ 
ing clause. But an influential minority deny the applicability of the rule 
to Gothic, to the Scandinavian languages, to Old High German, and 
to Middle High German. And to me personally it seems likely that 
the opinion of the minority will ultimately prevail, that the chief factor 
in the use of the consecutive subjunctive in these Germanic languages 
is to be found in the contingent nature of the dependent consecutive 
clause, and for several reasons. The more detailed studies of this problem 
have been made by members of the minority (Mourek and Lesenar). The 
view of the minority seems inherently more probable. And the evidence 
derived from my own detailed studies of the problem in Old English is 
decidedly in favor of the minority view. 


CHAPTER V 
RESULTS 

Let us briefly sum up the Results of our study. We have considered the 
Old English Consecutive Subjunctive under two larger heads: I. The 
Subjunctive Introduced by Correlative Particles and II. The Subjunctive 
Introduced by Single Particles. The total number of examples in the 
former category is 434, in the latter 366, giving a grand total of 800. This 
grand total for the Consecutive Subjunctive in Old English, however, is 
smaller than that for the Consecutive Indicative. For the prose works 
included in my study, Dr. Benham (pp. 232 ff.) gives a total of 950 con¬ 
secutive indicatives. 

I. THE SUBJUNCTIVE INTRODUCED BY CORRELATIVE PARTICLES 
(428 in W. S., 6 in Lind. Gosp.) 

The Subjunctive Introduced by Correlative Particles has two divi¬ 
sions, Subtype A. Non-Prepositional and Subtype B. Prepositional, 
which may best be treated separately. 

Subtype A. Non-Prepositional 
(362 in W. S., 6 in Lind. Gosp.) 

1. Subtype A of Group I of the Old English Consecutive Subjunctive 
is introduced by the following Non-Prepositional Particles in West 
Saxon: swa swa (sua sua), ‘so as,’ ‘so that/ 3; swa .. . swa (sua . . . sua), 
‘so . . . as/ ‘so . . . that/ 19; swa . . . pass pe, ‘so . . . as/ ‘so . . . that/ 
1; swa (swce, sua) poet, ‘so that/ 86; swa (swce, sua) . . . poet, ‘so . . . 
that/ 192; swa (swce) poette, ‘so that/ 55 swa (swce) . . . pcette, so . . . 
that/ 14; swelc (swilc) poet, ‘such that/2; swelc (swilc) . . . pcet, ‘such 
. . . that/ 8; swelc (swilc) . . . pcette, ‘such that/ 2; to . . . pcet, ‘too . . . 
that/ 8; pees . . . poet, ‘so . . . that/ 21; and pillic . . . pcet, ‘such . . . 
that/ 1.—In the Lindisfarne Gospels only three particles are found in this 
construction: swa pcet, 2; swa . . . poet, 1; and swa pcette, 3. 

2. Quite uneven is the distribution of the consecutive subjunctive in¬ 
troduced by these particles. With one particle (pees . . . pcet) this sub¬ 
junctive is found almost exclusively in the Old English poetry (18 times 
out of a total of 21 examples). Of the remaining twelve particles in this 
construction only two are found in the poetry and these very seldom 
(swa . . . pcet, 4; to . . . poet, 1). In the prose texts, some particles (swa 
swa, swa . . . swa, swa . . . pees pe, swa pcette, swa . . . poette, and swelc 
. . . pcette) occur chiefly in the works of Alfred. Only two of the thirteen 


68 


RESULTS 


69 

particles in this subtype, namely, swa pest and swa . . . pest , are found 
well represented in iElfric and in Alfred. 

3. The chief factor in the occurrence of the Old English Consecutive 
Subjunctive of Subtype A is to be found, I think, in the fact that the 
result is looked upon as contingent. As hereinafter indicated, with some 
particles the consecutive subjunctive seems due to the influence of the 
Latin originals. And, as in the temporal use of the subjunctive, so in the 
consecutive use, occasionally the subjunctive is due to analogy with a 
subjunctive of the independent clause; and, at times, indirect discourse 
tends to the use of the consecutive subjunctive. But these latter factors 
are relatively insignificant as compared with that first mentioned,—the 
contingent nature of the dependent clause of result. 

4. But many previous investigators of the consecutive subjunctive in 
Old English, as Dr. Wilhelm Fleischhauer in 1885, Dr. Allen R. Benham 
in 1908, and Dr. Andreas Vogt in 1930, have, as a rule, held that the 
determining factor in the use of this subjunctive is the nature of the 
governing clause. According to these scholars the consecutive subjunc¬ 
tive occurs when the governing clause has a hortatory subjunctive, an 
imperative mood, or a negative, as laid down in the Erdmann-Bernhardt 
theory of mood-syntax. Our study has shown, however, that this theory 
does not hold for Subtype A, as more than half of these consecutive sub¬ 
junctives could not be accounted for by that theory. 

5. Since, as indicated in 2 above, the consecutive subjunctive with 
pcss . . . pest is restricted almost exclusively to the Old English poetry, 
this idiom is probably of native English origin. Except under the condi¬ 
tions stated in 6 below, it seems likely, too, that the consecutive sub¬ 
junctive introduced by swa pest and swa . . . pest is a native idiom. 
Though seldom found in the Old English poetry, the subjunctive intro¬ 
duced by these particles is widely distributed in the prose, occurring in 
Early West Saxon and in Late West Saxon, in the original prose and in 
the translations. Moreover, in the Old English translations, this sub¬ 
junctive, though frequently rendering a Latin consecutive subjunctive, 
often has other and varied Latin correspondents, and at times occurs 
without any correspondent in Latin. 

6. On the other hand, the consecutive subjunctive of Subtype A is 
probably of foreign (Latin) origin when introduced by these particles: 
swa swa, swa . . . swa, swa pestte, swa . . . pcstte, swelc . . . pest, and 
swelc . . . pcstte. This subjunctive occurs chiefly in the Old English trans¬ 
lations from the Latin, and, with only a few exceptions, has a Latin 
subjunctive (usually consecutive, but occasionally final) as its corre¬ 
spondent. Although, as stated in 5 above, as a rule the consecutive sub¬ 
junctive introduced by swa pest and swa . . . pest is a native English 


7o 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


idiom, in some instances this subjunctive seems due to Latin influence, 
namely, when the Old English preterite subjunctive denotes a result that 
to the modern Englishman seems real rather than inferential. But in 
most instances of this sort the Old English writer uses an indicative even 
when the Latin original has a subjunctive,—a proceeding similar to the 
Old English habitual rendition of the Latin circumstantial subjunctive 
with cum by an indicative, as shown in The Temporal Subjunctive in Old 
English, pp. 98 ff. 

7. We have not sufficient data to determine the origin of the consecu¬ 
tive subjunctive introduced by these particles of Subtype A of Group I: 
swa . . . pees pe, swelc pcet, to . . . poet , and pillic . . . pcet. 

8 . In the Germanic languages other than English the consecutive sub¬ 
junctive corresponding to our Subtype A seems less frequent than in Old 
English. It is rare in Gothic, but occurs occasionally with swaei, ‘so that/ 
and swaswe, ‘so as/ ‘so that.’ In Old Norse we find sva . . . at more fre¬ 
quently than at alone; in Old Saxon we have so . . . that, occasionally 
so ... so; in Old High German, so . . . thaz, and zu . . . thaz; and in 
Middle High German, the corresponding so . . . dass, and zu . . . dass. 
And, as we have seen, most of the writers on mood-syntax in the Ger¬ 
manic languages, from the earlier ones, as Erdmann and Bernhardt, to 
the latest, as Behaghel, Holthausen, Mausser, Nygaard, Paul, and 
Gierach hold that the occurrence of the consecutive subjunctive in each 
of these Germanic languages is dependent primarily upon the nature of 
the governing clause. However, two stout opponents of that theory have 
appeared, Professor Mourek and Professor Lesenar, who contend, 
successfully it seems to me, that in the Germanic languages the deter¬ 
mining factor in the use of the consecutive subjunctive is the nature of 
the dependent clause. 

Subtype B. Prepositional 
(66 in W. S., none in Lind. Gosp .) 

9. In Subtype B of Group I, the Old English Consecutive Subjunctive 
is introduced by the following Correlative Prepositional Particles in West 
Saxon: on pa wisan pcet, ‘in such wise that/ 2; on pa wisan . . . pcet, ‘in 
such wise . . . that/ 1; to poem ( pam ) pcet, ‘to the extent that/ ‘so that/ 
4; to poem (pam) . . . pcet, ‘to the extent . . . that/ ‘so . . . that/ 26; to 
pees . . . pcet, ‘to the extent . . . that/ ‘so . . . that/ 15; pon (pan) 
pcet, ‘to the extent that/ ‘so that/ 7; to pon (pan) . . . pcet, ‘to the extent 
. . . that/ ‘so . . . that/ 10; to pon poette, ‘to the extent that/ ‘so that/ 
1.—This subtype is not represented in the Lindisfarne Gospels. 

10. Subtype B is far less frequent than Subtype A, there being only 66 
examples of the former to 368 of the latter. Subtype B is very rare in 


RESULTS 


7 i 


Old English poetry, only 3 clear examples having been found therein, 
these in the Minor Poems. In the prose this subtype occurs chiefly in the 
works of Alfred, but is found, also, in the Laws, in the Blickling Homilies, 
and in Late West Saxon (ASlfric and Wulfstan). 

11. The Consecutive Subjunctive in Subtype B is primarily to be 
accounted for, I think, by the contingent nature of the result expressed 
in the dependent clause. In a few instances, the consecutive subjunctive 
may be due to certain other influences, as indirect discourse, or a sub¬ 
junctive of the Latin original or of the O.E. governing clause. 

12. Many previous investigators, however, as Dr. Benham (p. 233) 
and Dr. Fleischhauer (p. 65), hold that the consecutive subjunctive in 
Subtype B is chiefly due to the nature of the governing clause. But this 
claim is disproved, it seems to me, by our table on p. 34 above, which 
shows that an appreciable proportion (about 60 per cent) of the con¬ 
secutive subjunctives of this subtype could not be accounted for on this 
theory. 

13. The consecutive subjunctive of Subtype B is probably a native 
English idiom. Although, as stated in 10 above, this subjunctive occurs 
chiefly in the Alfredian and other Old English translations from the 
Latin, and is rarely found in the Old English poetry, of the 34 examples 
found in these translations, only 15 render Latin subjunctives (6 con¬ 
secutive and 9 of five other varieties); to the remaining 19 examples the 
Latin correspondents are varied. Moreover, subjunctives of Subtype B 
occur, though not frequently, in the Blickling Homilies, in the Laws, and 
in Wulfstan. 

14. Of Subtype B in the other Germanic languages I have found no 
specific treatment in the treatises accessible to me. 

n. THE SUBJUNCTIVE INTRODUCED BY SINGLE PARTICLES 
(351 in W. S., 15 in Lind. Gosp .) 

1. In Group II the Old English Consecutive Subjunctive is introduced 
by these three Single Particles in West Saxon: swa, ‘that,’ ‘so that,’ 3; 
Pat, ‘that,’ ‘so that/ 334; and pcette, ‘that/ ‘so that/ 14—In the Lindis- 
farne Gospels 15 examples of this subjunctive have been found: 1 with 
swa, 3 with poet, and 11 with pcette. 

2. As is evident from 1 above, two of the Single Particles introducing 
the consecutive subjunctive are very seldom found in Old English. Swa, 
‘so that/ occurs only three times, twice in the Riddles and once in the 
Laws. Boette, ‘that/ ‘so that/ occurs four times in the poems, and ten 
times in the prose (all in Alfred). The consecutive subjunctive introduced 
by poet, ‘that/ ‘so that/ is widely distributed, being found in the poetry 
and in the prose, early and late, original and translated. 


72 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


3. In Group II, as in Group I, the chief factor in the use of the consecu¬ 
tive subjunctive I take to be the contingent nature of the result ex¬ 
pressed. As indicated below, however, the Old English subjunctive in 
clauses of result is due sometimes to the Latin original, sometimes to a 
subjunctive of the governing clause, and sometimes to the fact that the 
verb occurs in indirect discourse. 

4. Again, however, previous investigators have contended that the de¬ 
termining factor in the occurrence of the consecutive subjunctive in 
Group II is to be found in the nature of the governing clause substan¬ 
tially in accordance with the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory of mood- 
syntax. This view is advocated, with slight modifications, by the earlier 
writers on this idiom in Old English, as Dr. Fleischhauer and Dr. Ben- 
ham, and by the most recent, as Dr. Vogt. This theory was opposed by 
me on theoretical-statistical grounds in lectures delivered in 1925, and 
independently by Dr. Hans Glunz in 1930, on theoretical-psychological 
grounds. The table on p. 35 above shows that of our examples of the 
consecutive subjunctive about 60 per cent could not be accounted for 
by the Erdmann-Bernhardt theory. 

5. Normally, when the result is expressed by a present subjunctive, 
and is looked upon as contingent in the present or in the future, or when 
the result is expressed by a preterite subjunctive, and is looked upon as 
contingent in the future, the consecutive subjunctive introduced by 
Single Particles is probably an idiom native to Old English. In these two 
categories, especially in the former, the consecutive subjunctive is found 
in Old English poetry and prose of all periods, in the original works as 
well as in the translations, though somewhat more frequently in the 
latter than in the former. Besides this, while, in the Old English transla¬ 
tions from the Latin, the consecutive subjunctive, as is natural, often 
renders a Latin subjunctive (oftenest consecutive, but frequently of 
other varieties), it often has other Latin correspondents. 

6. But in some of its uses, the consecutive subjunctive of Group II is 
probably due to Latin influence. One of these is found, I think, when a 
result expressed by a preterite subjunctive seems real to the Old Eng¬ 
lishman but inferential to the Latin writer. In most of such instances the 
Old English translator renders the Latin preterite subjunctive by an 
indicative, but at times he follows the Latin model. 

7. Again, the idiom seems more or less due to Latin influence in what 
I have denominated the Special Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced 
by Single Particles, in which the Consecutive Subjunctive is Introduced 
by pcet(te ) Following Beon ( Wesan) without an Intervening Adjective or 
Adverb. Of this idiom there are two subtypes, one (a) occurring in an 
Interrogative-Deliberative Sentence and another (b) in a Sentence Re- 


RESULTS 


73 


sembling a Relative Clause of Characteristic. The grounds for consider¬ 
ing these subtypes as due in part to Latin influence are these, (i) The 
idiom is not found in the more original Old English prose or poetry. 
(2) The idiom, especially in Subtype (a), is found chiefly in Old English 
translations from the Latin or in works known to be based on Latin 
originals. (3) Though at times answering to a Latin indicative, the Old 
English consecutive subjunctive at other times translates a Latin sub¬ 
junctive (usually consecutive but occasionally deliberative). (4) The Old 
English consecutive subjunctives in these subtypes seem echoes, though 
awkward ones, of true Latin subjunctives of Characteristic, of Delibera¬ 
tion, or Result, so frequently found in ecclesiastical Latin. 

8. In the other Germanic languages, again, the majority of the writers 
on mood-syntax contend that the use of the consecutive subjunctive in¬ 
troduced by Single Particles depends primarily upon the nature of the 
governing clause; and this is true of the more recent investigators, as 
Nygaard, Holthausen, Paul, and Behaghel, as well as of the older ones, 
as Erdmann, Bernhardt, etc. But a militant minority oppose this view, 
and among them are found possibly Streitberg and certainly Mourek and 
Lesenar. 

If we disregard our Groups for a moment, and consider the Consecu¬ 
tive Subjunctive in Old English as a whole, several noteworthy facts 
aside from those set forth in the preceding sections will emerge. One 
is this: the consecutive subjunctive in Old English is much more frequent 
than writers on Old English Syntax have supposed. For instance, Dr. 
Gerold Hotz {On the Use of the Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-Saxon , p. 37) 
declares: 

As for the rest the indicative is in Anglo-Saxon and Old English [ = Middle 
English] the mood of the consecutive sentence, the subjunctive never express¬ 
ing result. Jud. 24 mihten and 136 mihten are exceptions, if so be that mihten is 
really a subjunctive form. 

Dr. Alfred Mohrbutter {Darstellung der Syntax in den vier echten Pre- 
digten des ags. Erzbischofs Wulfstan, p. 93) says that the consecutive 
clause always has the indicative,—a statement controverted by our 
statistics, which show an appreciable number of consecutive subjunc¬ 
tives in Wulfstan. Again, Dr. H. M. Blain {Syntax of the Verb in the 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, p. 26) asserts that no example of the consecutive 
subjunctive occurs in the Chronicle. As our statistics show, however, some 
indisputable examples of that idiom do occur in that text, though sur¬ 
prisingly few. Finally, Professor Benham, pp. 233-237, records a total of 
only 368 consecutive subjunctives in Old English prose as against my 
total of 698. Of my 698 examples, however, 90 are indeterminate in 


74 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


form; and, as Dr. Benham does not include the indeterminate forms in 
his count, the difference between his total for the consecutive subjunc¬ 
tive in Old English prose and my total therefor is not so great as at 
first appears. Moreover, as already stated, some of the verbs that are 
indisputably subjunctive in form, and that have been interpreted as 
consecutive by me, allowably may be interpreted as final by others. 
But, when all possible deductions shall have been made from my total 
for the consecutive subjunctive in Old English prose, the number re¬ 
maining will be appreciably larger than that given by Dr. Benham and 
others. 

On the other hand, the consecutive subjunctive is not so frequent in 
Old English as has been stated either explicitly or implicitly by several 
noted writers on English syntax, as by F. A. March ( Comparative Gram¬ 
mar of the Anglo-Saxon Language , §421), by John Earle ( A Book for the 
Beginner in Anglo-Saxon, p. 58), by Leon Kellner ( Historical Outlines of 
English Syntax, p. 312), and by Dr. C. T. Onions (An Advanced English 
Syntax, p. 114), each of whom declares in varying words that the range 
of the subjunctive in Old English is about the same as in Latin. We have 
found, however, that in approximately 400 instances the Old English 
translators have rendered a Latin consecutive subjunctive by some other 
locution; to which should be added the further fact, disclosed in The 
Temporal Subjunctive in Old English, p. 126, that in over a thousand 
instances the Old English renders a Latin subjunctive with circum¬ 
stantial cum otherwise than by a subjunctive. 


APPENDIX A: STATISTICS OF THE CONSECUTIVE 
SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 

Explanatory Note. —The verb that occurs in the Subjunctive is 
regularly cited in the Infinitive form and given in alphabetic sequence 
under the respective groups. Under each word are given all the occur¬ 
rences, first of the Present Tenses (Pr.) and then of the Past Tenses (Pt.) 1 
Under each of these two categories are given, first, the Determinate forms 
(D.), which are not so ticketed, and then the Indeterminate forms (I.), 
which are regularly so ticketed. Prose works are cited first, then the 
poetical works, in each case in the approximate chronological order, ex¬ 
cept that the Minor Prose Works and the Minor Poems are given in 
alphabetic sequence at the end of their respective groups. The abbrevia¬ 
tions for the texts are explained in the “Bibliography.” For convenience, 
I have not distinguished (5 and p, but have uniformly used p. As a rule, 
contractions in the text have been expanded. The totals for each group 
are given at the beginning of the section in which each category is dis¬ 
cussed.—Synthetic subjunctives are not segregated from the analytic 
forms thereof; but the analytic forms may be discovered easily by refer¬ 
ring to the auxiliary verbs, under each of which is entered its complement 
(Infinitive or Participle, each in the infinitive form). Nor are Active Sub¬ 
junctives segregated from Passive Subjunctives; but the latter may be 
discovered by referring to the auxiliary verbs (beon and weorpan) under 
each of which the complementary verbal (Infinitive or Participle) is 
entered in the infinitive form, in alphabetic sequence. In citations from 
the Old English translations, the reference to the Latin original is given 
immediately after the sign of equality without specific naming of the 
Latin text; thus “Greg . 1 199.13*= 148.2o a ” means “ Greg 1 199.13* = 
Greg . 2 148.20*,” etc., etc. 

In each section, I give, first, the Consecutive Subjunctives in West 
Saxon and, secondly, those in the Lindisfarne Gospels. 

I. THE CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE INTRODUCED 
BY CORRELATIVE PARTICLES 

SUBTYPE A. NON-PREPOSITIONAL 
I. In West-Saxon ( 362 ) 

1. With swa swa (sua sua), so as, so that (3): 
deri(g)an, injure (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 199.13® = 148.20®.—Pt. (o). 

1 Under the Present Tense is included the compound perfect, and under the Preterite 
Tense the compound pluperfect. 


75 


76 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


eglan, disturb (i).—Pr. (i):— Greg} (i): i99.i3 b = 148.20%—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—ofaceorfan, cut of (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 141.5 = 100.25.—Pt. (o). 

2. With swa . . . swa (sua . . . sua) (19): 

befeallan, fall (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 189.11 =140.26.—Pt. (o). 
forbaernan, injure by fire ( 1 ).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 453 .26 b =384.22.—Pt. (o). 
forsion (forseon), contemn, despise ( 2 ).—Pr. ( 2 ):— Greg . 1 ( 2 ): 453 . 3 i b =3 8 4-3° a > 
453-34“ =3 86 - 2 “-— Pt - (°)- 

fil(i)gan (fyl(i)gan), follow (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 63.20 = 120.12. 
Pt. (o). 

gebrengan, bring, make (3).—Pr. (3):— Greg . 1 (3): 453.25=384.21% 453.29 s 
= 384.26, 453.30 =384.27%—Pt. (o). 

gebringan, bring, make (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 453.28 s =384.24. Pt. (o). 
gedon, make{ 1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 453.23 b =384.19.—Pt. (o). 
geiecan, increase (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 453 - 2 °“ = 3 8 4 -* 4 -—Pt- (°)- 
geswencan, afflict (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 453.22=384.18*.—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (4): 

—astandan, stand up, recover (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 455-3 ia =3 88 -9- 
Pt. (o). 

—geegesian , frighten (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 119.5 =82.21.—Pt. (o). 

—geflieman, put to flight, dispel(1). —Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 455- 2 9 == 3 88 - 8 - 
Pt. (o). 

—gejxwaenan, moisten (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 61.19=36.21.—Pt. (o). 
oleccan, soothe (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 453-33 = 3 86 - ia -— Pt - (°)- 
weorjjan, become, be (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 453 - 21 = 3 8 4 - 5 -—Pt- (o). 
weorjxan, become, be, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—beswican, deceive (1).—Pr. (1).— Bened . 1 (1): 64.20 = 122. 12 s .—Pt. (o). 

3. With swa . . . }>aes J>e, so ... as, so . . . that (1): 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—beon wijjmeten, be comparable (1).—Pr. (1):— Bede 1 (1): 92.6 = 71.13. 
Pt. (o). 

4. With swa (sua, swae) l?aet, so that (86): 

alecgan, lay aside (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 268.3. Pt. (o). 

arian, honor (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 53 - 2 3 -—Pt. (o). 

beon (wesan), be (3).—Pr. (2):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 446.8; Mlf. L. S. (1): 

1. 360.348.—Pt. (1):— Wcerf. (1): 263.19 =32iA°. 

beon (wesan), be, plus a complementary verbal (12): 

—acennan, bear, bring forth (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Wulf. (1): 193.16. 

—asmeagan, consider (x).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): II. 280.19. Pt. (o). 

—flotigan , float (1).—Pr. (1):— Chron. (x): 158.5 (A1031). Pt. (o). 

—forlaetan, leave (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.Horn. (1): 11. 234.16. Pt. (o). 

—metan, meet, find (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 11. 128.12. Pt. (o). 

—nemnan, name (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 604.32. Pt. (o). 


APPENDIX A—STATISTICS 


77 


—singan, sing (i).—Pr. (i):— Bened . 1 (i): 34.15** = 64.21.—Pt. (o). 

—standan, stand (1).—Pr. (1):— Chron. (1): 158.6** (A 1031) ( stande for 
standende). —Pt. (o). 

—styrian, move (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 174**.—Pt. (o). 

—todaelan, divide (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 44.12 =82.14.—Pt. (o). 

—wemman, destroy (1).—Pr. (1):— Bl. Horn. (1): 245.22.—Pt. (o). 

—wendan, turn (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened} (1): 68.12 = 128.20.—Pt. (o). 
besettan, set, place (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (1): n. 398.36.—Pt. (o). 
betsecan, commit, deliver (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (i):i. 218.15**.—Pt- (o). 
betan, repent, atone for (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 68.14 = 128.22.—Pt. (o). 
biddan, pray for (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (1): 1. 576.1.—Pt. (o). 
blyssian (blissian), rejoice (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 360.349.—Pt. (o). 
ceorian, complain (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (1): n. 546.10 s .—Pt. (o). 
cuman, come{ 1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (i):i. 134-16. 
derian, injure (x).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1) 1. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (1): n. 424.407. 
don, do, make (2).—Pr. (2):— Mlf.Bept . 1 (2):— Num . 1 (1): 22.20;—1. (1):— 
Lev . 1 (1): 26.31.—Pt. (o). 

faran, go (1).—Pr. (x):— Mlf. Bom. (i):n. 416.7.—Pt. (o). 
forbeornan, burn up (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (1): 11. 166.5. 
forbugan, eschew (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 20.154**.—Pt. (o). 
fordiligan, destroy (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened 1 (1): 76.6 = 144.8.—Pt. (o). 
forgyldan (-gieldan), repay (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (1): n. 546.12.—Pt. 
(o). 

fremi(g)an, assist (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (1): n. 400.1.—Pt. (o). 
fullfremman, perform, commit (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth . 1 (1): 103.17 =87.52: o.— 
Pt. (o). 

gebeodan, ofer (1).—Pr. (1):—Mlf. Bom. (1): 1. 260.31V—Pt. (o). 
gebiddan, pray (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 286.50.—Pt. (o). 
gedrefan, trouble (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 72.20 = 138.5.—Pt. (1). 
geearni(g)an, earn, merit (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (i):i. 304.293. Pt. (o). 
gefeon, rejoice (1).—Pr. (1):— Wcerf . 1 (1): 311.12 =376A 0 .—Pt. (o). 
geglencgan, adorn (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.Bom. (1): 1. 218.15 s . Pt. (o). 
gelyfan (-liefan), believe (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (x):i. 284.16.—Pt. (o). 
geseon, see (2).—Pr. (2):— Mlf.Bom. (1): 11. 564.23 s ;— Wulf. (1): 53.24**. 
Pt. (o). 

getimbri(g)an, build up, edify (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 72.19** = 138.5. 
Pt. (o). 

gej>afian, allow (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (1): 11. 546.10**. Pt. (o). 
geunstillan, disquiet (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened 1 (1): 73.14 s = 138.21 s . Pt. (o). 
gewarnian, warn (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (1): n. 430.30**. Pt. (o). 
gewilnian, desire (1).—Pr. (1) Mlf. Bom. (1): 11. 430.30 s .—Pt. (o). 
gewyldan (-wieldan), tame (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Bom. (1): 1.360.19. Pt. (o). 
habban (nabban), have {not) (4).—Pr. (4):— Boeth . 1 (1): 95.9 = 81.9; Chron. 
(2): 30.27 (E 656), 158.6° (A 1031);— Mlf.Bept . 1 (1 ):—Pref. to Gen. (1): 
79.100.—Pt. (o). 

healdan, hold, preserve (1).—Pr. {i):—Mlf. Bom. (1): 11. 222.18—Pt. (o). 


78 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


hlystan, listen (i).—Pr. (i):— Mlf.Hept . 1 (i):— On N.T. (i): 58.960.— 
Pt. (o). 

lufi(g)an, love (3).—Pr. (3):— Mlf. Horn. (2): 1. 260.30, 268.4;— Mlf.L.S. (1): 
1. 270.126.—Pt. (o). 

magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (3): 

—gehaelan, heal (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— I. (1): Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 234.247. 

—geraecan, reach (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (i):I. (1): Chron. (1): 84.26“ (A 894). 

—onlocian, look upon, see (1).— Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 140.18=0. — Pt. (o). 
niman, take (1).— Pr. (x):— Chron. (1): 37.23 (E 675). — Pt. (o). 
oferwinnan, conquer (1).— Pr. (1):— Mlf.Horn. (i):i. 2x8.14. — Pt. (o). 
offri(g)an, offer (1). — Pr. (1): — Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 314.123. — Pt. (o). 
onscunian, shun (1). — Pr. (1): — Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 270.127. — Pt. (o). 
sculan, shall, plus a complementary verbal (4): 

—gebugan, submit (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 199.22.—Pt. (o). 

—geeacnian, become pregnant (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1): I. (1):— Wulf. (1): 
I 93 -I 5 - 

—laetan (ut), let out, release (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1): I. (1): Chron. (1): 267.7 
(E 1140). 

—settan, set, place (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (i):I. (1): Chron. (1): 262.13 (E 1131). 
secgan, say (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 284.15.—Pt. (o). 
syngian, sin (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 304.292.—Pt. (o). 

Jjancian, thank (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 218.16.—Pt. (o). 
l>urhwuni(g)an, persevere (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 5.24 = 12.4.—Pt. (o). 
underfon, undertake (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 596.11.—Pt. (o). 
wacian, watch, be watchful (1).—Pr. (1):— Wcerf . 1 (1): 222. ii= 272B\— 
Pt. (o). 

wendan, turn (2).—Pr. (2):— Mlf.Horn. (1): 1. 114.28;— Wulf. (1): 267.29.— 
Pt. (o). 

weor]>an, become, come (2).—Pr. (1):— Solil 1 (2): 7.9=6.36,63.7=0.— 
Pt. (o). 

weorJ?an, become, be, plus a complementary verbal (2): 

—alefan, injure (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (x):i. 290.104.—Pt. (o). 

—getwaeman, separate (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— A.S.Hom.& L.S. 1.(1): 
59.198. 

willan, will, plus a complementary verbal (3): 

—ahydan, hide (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1): I. (1): Wcerf . 1 (1): 289.17 =3490. 

—beon, be (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1): I. (1): A.S. Horn. & L.S. 11 (1): 127.343. 

—gesettan, set (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1): I. (1): Chron. (1): 210.14 (E 1075). 
wuldrian, glorify (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 11. 564.23 b .—Pt. (o). 
wuni(g)an, live (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 11. 222.19.—Pt- (o). 

5. With swa (sua) . . . J>aet, so that (192): 
abrecan, break (1). —Pr. (1): — Wulf. (1): 172.2 b . —Pt. (o). 
afyllan, fell, slay (1).— Pr. (1): —Laws (1): V Mthelr. 244.31I4]. —Pt. (o). 
agyltan, do wrong (1). —Pr. (1): — Greg . 1 ( 1): 145. i5 b = 104.21. —Pt. (o). 
ahebban, remove (1). —Pr. (1): — Bede 1 (1): 400.7 =289.28. —Pt. (o). 


APPENDIX A—STATISTICS 


79 


aslawian, become torpid (i).—Pr. (i):— Greg} (i): 415.10 =336.8.—Pt. (o). 
astigan, ascend (3).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (3):— Mlf.Hom. (3): 1. 22.20, 318.16; 11. 
472.26. 

atillan, touch (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.~H.ept}- (1): Gen . 1 (1): 11. 4 0 (MS. C.).— 
Pt. (o). 

beginnan, begin (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 70.15® = 134.2.—Pt. (o). 
behelian, cover, hide (1).—Pr. (1 ):=Greg} (1): 141.9 = 100. 29“.—Pt. (o). 
behofian, need (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 66.7 = i24.i9 b .—Pt. (o). 
beon (wesan), be (8).—Pr. (6):— Boeth . 1 (1): 58.i b = 55-37 b ;— Bened . 1 (2): 
109.21=176.2, 140.6 =no Latin;— Mlf.Hom. (1): 1. 262.35°;— Wulf. (2): 
155.6, i2°.—Pt. (2):— Boeth . 1 (1): 59.1° = 56.18;— Solil . 1 (1): 17.7 = 17.25. 
beon (wesan), be, plus a complementary verbal (13): 

—abysgian, be busy (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 73.18° = 140.14.—Pt. (o). 

—beginnan, begin (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 42.i4 b = 78.20.—Pt. (o). 

—forswelgan, swallow up (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened 1 (1): 51.6® = 96.1.—Pt. (o). 
—gefadian, arrange (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 { 1): 66.10 = 124.23.—Pt. (o). 

—gefyllan, fill (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 66.8° = 124.20.—Pt. (o). 

—gehalgian, hallow (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 262.28.—Pt. (o). 

—gehealdan, hold, observe (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 32.21 =60.17.—Pt. (o). 
—gelaedan, lead (1).—Pr. (1):— Bede 1 (1): 432.14 =308.27.—Pt. (o). 

—gelaestan, accomplish, realize (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.Hom. (1): 1. 264.i b .— 
Pt. (o). 

—genaedan, compel (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 189.16 = 142.4.—Pt. (o). 
[Cf. Glunz, op. cit., p. 36, who considers this clause final rather than consecu¬ 
tive.] 

—niman, take (1).—Pr. (1):— Chron. (i):3i.io b (E 656).—Pt. (o). 

—todaelan, divide (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 42.13 =78.18.—Pt. (o). 

—under]>eodan, subject (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.Hom. (x): 1. 264.1°.—Pt. (o). 
beswican, deceive (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Mlf.Hept . 1 (1): Num} 25, Intn. b 
cuman, come (3).—Pr. (2) -.—Boeth . 1 (1): 58.1° = 55-37“;—' Solil . 1 (1): 63.14 = no 
Latin;— Met . 1 (1): 172.76 = 55 - 37 “-—Pt- (o). 

cunnan, know (2).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (x): 39.13°; Met 1 (1): 188.51=81.13.— 
Pt. (o). 

cwejran, say, speak (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 20.28.—Pt. (o). 
don, do, observe (3).—Pr. (2):— Chron. (1): 36-13“ ( E 675);— Bened . 1 (1): 
107.15=172.20.—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Boeth . 1 (1): 143.30 = 132.29: o. 
draedan, dread, fear (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg} (1): 107.17° = 74. n b .—Pt. (o). 
durran, dare, plus a complementary verbal (2): 

—betellan, answer (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 11. 570. 34.—Pt. (o). 

—cwe]>an, say (1).—Pr. (1):— Solil . 1 (1): 25.4 = 25.25.—Pt. (o). 
efstan, hasten (1).—Pr. (1) :—Mlf. Horn. (1): 11. 600.3.—Pt. (o). 
etan, eat (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Pr. Ps . 1 (1): i6.i4 b —Pt. (o). 
faran, go, live (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 602.4.—Pt. (o). 
faeran, frighten (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 453.19® =384.14. Pt. (o). 
forceorfan, cut off (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 141.10® = ioo.29 b . Pt. (o). 
forfleon, avoid (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 121.24° = 188.5. Pt- (°)- 


8o 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


forhtian , fear (i).—Pr. (i):— Wulf. (i): i 49 - I 3 b -—Pt. (°)- 
forlaetan, neglect (5).—Pr. (5):— Greg . 1 (4): 123.23 =86.i7 b , 137.12=98.13, 
i9i.22 b = 142.27, 393.28 =312.i a ;— Bened . 1 (1): 68.6 = 130.13.—Pt. (o). 
forweor]?an (-wurjjan), perish (1).—Pr. (1):— Gosp . 1 (1): J . 1 ( 1): 3.15 s -— 
Pt. (o). 

forwyrcan, condemn (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 154.25.—Pt. (o). 
freogean, love (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— AElf.L.S. (1): 11. 36.523. 
fylgean, follow (2).—Pr. (2):— Bened . 1 (2): 141.4=110 Latin, i4i.5=no 
Latin.—Pt. (o). 

iyx\>Tiga.n, further (x).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 121.7 = 186.13.—Pt. (o). 
gan, go (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): Cnut 274[g] b .—Pt. (o). 
gebetan, atone for, amend (1).—Pr. (1):— A.S. Horn. 6* L.S.I. (1): 62.254 b . 
-Pt. (o). 

gedyrstlaecan, presume (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 15.12 =28.2.—Pt. (o). 
geearnian, earn, merit (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bede 1 (1): 372.34 
= 275.21. 

gefaestni(g)an, fasten (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 393.31 s =312.4.—Pt. (o). 
gefyllan, fill, satisfy (1).—Pr. (1):— Gosp . 1 (1): Mat. (1): 15.33.—Pt. (o). 
gehieran, hear (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Greg . 1 (1): 253.17 = 192.7. 
gehwyrfan (-hwierfan), turn (1).—Pr. (1):— AElf. Horn. (1): 1. 84.30.—Pt. (o). 
geiecan, increase (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 455.12“ =386.17.—Pt. (o). 
gelsestan, perform, do (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 173.29.—Pt. (o). 
gemunan, remember (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth . 1 (1): 122.7 = 103.104.—Pt. (o). 
gesaecan (gesacan), oppose (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): Cnut 27s[i8] a .—Pt. (o). 
geseon, see (1).—Pr. (1):— Gosp 1 (1): Mat 1 (1): 5.i6 b .—Pt. (o). 
geti]?igan, grant (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 262.29.—Pt. (o). 
gejxwaerigan, be agreeable (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 45. n b =84.i2.—Pt. 
(°). 

geunnan, grant (2).—Pr. (2):— Laws (2): VIII VEthr. 263(1, i] b , 1 Cnut 280 
[2, 3] b —Pt- (o). 

gewendan, turn (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 147.2 b = 106.2.—Pt. (o). 
gewifi(g)an, marry (2).—Pr. (2):— Laws (1): Cnut 274[i6] b ;— Wulf. (1): 
271.23.—Pt. (o). 

gewiscan (-wyscan), wish (x).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 2oo.8o b .—Pt. (o). 
gieman (gyman), care for (2).—Pr. (2):— Greg 1 (1): 191.23 = 144.1 13 ;— Bened . 1 
(1): 44.16 =82.18.—Pt. (o). 

grapian, grope (1).—Pr. (1):— JElf.Rept 1 (1): Exod . 1 io.2i b .—Pt. (o). 

habban (nabban), have (not), possess (not) (11).—Pr. (9):— Boeth 1 (1): 

59.18 = 56.28 b ;— Chron. (2): 116.15, 19 (E 963);— Laws (1): II Cnut 336 

[3S] b J— Bened . 1 (1): 74.22=142.9“;— Mlf. Hept . 1 (2): Exod . 1 i6.i6 b , Num . 1 

n.22 a ;— Gosp . 1 (1): J . 1 (1): 3.15 b ;— Wulf. (1): 149.i4 b .—Pt. (2):—I. (2): A.S. 

Horn, br L.S.I. (1): 67.56 -,—Wulf. (1): 25.3^ 

healdan, hold (1).—Pr. (1):— Pr. Ps . 1 (1): 16.14° (?).—Pt. (o). 

helpan, help (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth . 1 144.24 = 133.54:—Pt. (o). 

hogian, consider (1).—Pr. (1):—. 4 ..S'. Horn. & L.S.I. (1): 48.590.—Pt. (o). 


APPENDIX A—STATISTICS 


81 


laetan, allow, consider (2).—Pr. (2):— Greg 1 (1): 107.15 b = 74.10;— Bened . 1 
(1): 121.8 = 186.13.—Pt. (o). 

lifigan (libban), live (1).—Pr. (1):— Wcerf . 1 (1): 257.4® = 3i3D b .—Pt. (o). 
losigan, be lost (2).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): IV Eadgar 2io[2, 2]®.—Pt. (1):— 
Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 110.359. 

lufian, love (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 11. 6oo.2 b .—Pt. (o). 
lystan, please (2).—Pr. (2):— Greg 1 (1): 229.14 = 174.1;— Solil . 1 (1): 47.15 
= 47-33 —Pt. (o). 

magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (18): 

—adreogan, bear, endure (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1):— Wcerf 1 (1): 244.16 
= 297 D b . 

—asecgan, tell, recount (1).—Pr. (1):— Chr. 6* 5 . (1): 351.—Pt. (o). 

—bringan, bring (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.Hept 1 (1): Deut . 1 i4.24 b .—Pt. (o). 

—don, do (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth . 1 (1): 110.13 =95.118.—Pt. (o). 

—forbugan, change (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 380. 230.—Pt. (o). 

—forgifan, give (x).—Pr. (1):— Boeth 1 (1): 82.24 =72.5.—Pt. (o). 

—gebetan, atone for (2).—Pr. (2):— Mlf. Horn. (2): 1. 498.19, 11. 602.21.— 
Pt. (o). 

—gegan, go (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bede 1 (1): 144.23=118.8 (with 
poet to be supplied?). 

—gegodian, enrich (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 34.11®.—Pt. (o). 

—gehealdan, hold (1).—Pr. (1):— Solil . 1 (1): 3.13=3.30.—Pt. (o). 

—gescyldan, shield (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 102.15.—Pt. (o). 

—oferfaran, cross over (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Bede 1 (1): 38.12 =20.11. 

—ondraedan, dread, fear (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 140.4.—Pt. (o). 

—ongitan, understand (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth . 1 (1): 131.29 = 111.101.—Pt. (o). 
—smeagan, consider, meditate upon (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 7 S- 4 b = 
142.14°.—Pt. (o). 

—Jmrhseon, penetrate (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth . 1 (1): 72.31 =65.23.—Pt. (o). 

—wyrcan, do (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth . 1 (1): 99.27=84.73.—Pt. (o). 
mislician, displease (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 393.26=310.25.—Pt. (o). 
motan may, must, plus a complementary verbal (2): 

—beon gefullod, be baptized (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mlf. Horn. (1): 
II. 46.32. 

—don, do (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Boeth 1 (1): 142.32 =129.88®. 

offrian, offer, sacrifice (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Hept . 1 (1): Exod 1 io.n b .—Pt. (o). 

ofslean, slay (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 235.2 b = 176.26. 

oliccan (oleccan), flatter (x).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 383.12 s = 298.10.—Pt. (o). 

ondraedan, fear (2).—Pr. (2):— Greg 1 (1): 393.29 =312.2;— Wulf. (1): 149.14®. 

-Pt. (o). 

onhagian, be in one’s power (1).—Pr. (1):— Solil 1 (1): 4.3 =4.20.—Pt. (o). 
onhyrigan, imitate (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 229.15 =174.3.—Pt. (o). 
reccan, care for (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 383. i2 b = 298.10.—Pt. (o). 
rixigan, reign (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 262.35 b .—Pt. (o). 
sculan, shall (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Chron. (1): 52.28 (E 777) (an 
infinitive is to be supplied). 


82 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


sculan, shall, plus a complementary verbal (5): 

—abyrgean, taste (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 149.19.—Pt. (o). 

—alaetan, leave, lose (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 148.8.—Pt. (o). 

—arisan, arise (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.Eom. (1): 11. 544.2.—Pt. (o). 

—gaderian, gather, collect (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Bened . 1 (1): 73.17 = i 4 °- 4 — 
Pt. (o). 

—sprecan, speak (1).—Pr. (x):— Greg . 1 (1): 197.6 b = 146.28 b .—Pt. (o). 
sweltan, die (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 11. 318.12.—Pt. (o). 
tobrecan, break (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 173.28 b .—Pt. (o). 

Jxincan (}>yncan), seem(i). —Pr. (1):— Boeth . 1 { 1): 144.21 =133. 52:0.—Pt.(o). 
Jmrfan, need (4).—Pr. (4):— Boeth . 1 (4): 53.16 = 52.16, 58.17=56.10, 59.19 
= 56.28, 60.20 = 57.51.—Pt. (o). 

Jmrfan, need, plus a complementary verbal (2): 

—beon, be (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened 1 (1): 105.3.—Pt. (o). 

—gesciendan, shame (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 341.14 = 264.3.—Pt. (o). 
Jmrhwunigan, remain, continue (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (x): 263.16 = 198.19.— 
Pt. (o). 

underfon, undertake (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 25.17 =6.4.—Pt. (o). 
wanigan, diminish (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 121.9“ = 186.14.—Pt. (o). 
weaxan, increase (4).—Pr. (4):— Greg 1 (4): 455.13 =386.18, 455.21“ =386.26, 
455.22 =388.1, 457.21 =390.12.—Pt. (o). 

wenan, think (5).—Pr. (5):— Boeth 1 (2): 26.14=34.89, 122.11=103.106;— 
Greg 1 (2): 107.15 0 = 74.11, 453 - 35 “ =386.35®;— Solil . 1 (1): 24.20=36.0.— 
Pt. (o). 

weorjxan (wurjxan), become (4).—Pr. (4):— Greg 1 325.9 = 25o.2i b ;— Solil . 1 
(1): 63.15 =no Latin; —Laws (2): VIII VEthr. 263(4,1], I Cnut 280(2, 3] 15 .— 
Pt. (o). 

weorjxan, become, be, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—cwylman, kill (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Minor Poems (1): Vom Jiingsten 
Page 216. 

wepan, weep (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 149.13“.—Pt. (o). 

willan (nyllan), will {not),, desire {not) (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Bened . 1 (1): 

75.4“ = 142.i 4 b .—Pt. (o). 

willan (nyllan), will {not), plus a complementary verbal (9): 

—alsetan, leave off (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Greg 1 (1): 269.10 = 202.23.—Pt. (o). 
—betan, repent (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Laws (1): Cnut 274(9]°.—Pt. (o). 

—feran, go (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bede 1 (1): 274. 3i b = 214.18. 

—foresceawian, provide (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): LElf.Eom. (1): 532.21.—Pt. 
(o). 

—miltsian, pity, show mercy to (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): JElf.L.S. (1): 
11. 154.181. 

—niman, take (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mlf.Eom. (1): 1. 216.5. 

—secan, seek (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Solil 1 (1): 64.17 =no Latin. 

—Jxancian, thank (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mlf. Horn. (1): 11. 546.17. 

—wunian, dwell, remain (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Wulf. (1): 280.14.—Pt- (o). 


APPENDIX A—STATISTICS 


83 


wilnigan, desire (2).—Pr. (2 ):—Solil . 1 (1): 64.18 =no Latin;— Bened . 1 (1): 
121.23=188.5“.—Pt. (o). 

witan (nytan), know (not) (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Boeth . 1 (1): 95.19 = 81.15:0.— 
Pt. (o). 

wuldrian, glorify (1).—Pr. (1):— Gosp . 1 (1): Mat . 1 (1): 5.160.—Pt. (o). 
wunian, remain, be (2).—Pr. (2):— Bened 1 (1): 121.4 = 194.13;— Wcerf. (1): 
257 b =3i3D b .—Pt. (o). 

wyrcan, work (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): Cnut 275[i8] d .—Pt. (o). 

wyrdan (wirdan), injure, violate (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): II Cnut 366(83, 2] b . 

-Pt. (o). 

wyman (wiernan), deny, refuse (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Mf.Hept . 1 (1): Deut 1 15.7®. 
—Pt. (o). 

6. With swa J>aette, so that (5): 

beon (wesan), be (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Boeth 1 (1): 108.24 =93.83. 
beon (wesan), be, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—gej>waenan, soften (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 413.12 =334.4. 
clipian, call (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 461.24=396.5.—Pt. (o). 
gebindan, bind( 1).—Pr. (1):— Greg. 1 ^): 253.23“ = 192.11.—Pt. (o). 
gefegan, join, unite (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 253.23 b = 192.11', 12.—Pt. (o). 

7. With swa (sua) . . . fraette, so . . . that (14): 

ascrencan, supplant (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 317.8 = 244.n b .—Pt. (o). 
awendan, turn (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 389.4 =304.22.—Pt. (o). 
beon (wesan), be, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—gelijrian, soften (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): i5i.2 b = 108.13.—Pt. (o). 
findan, find (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 453.13“ =384.9“.—Pt. (o). 
forlaetan, leave, omit (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 237.18 = 180.6.—Pt. (o). 
gebringan, bring ( 1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 317.7 =244.11.—Pt. (o). 
gehaelan, heal (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 425.19=348.18.—Pt. (o). 
gesettan, set, place (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Greg . 1 (1): 253.16 = 192.7. 
gefrafigan, allow, permit (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 303.20 = 230.19.—Pt. (o). 
giberhtan, declare (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): Iud.Dei 410(4, 4]“.—Pt. (o). 
hatigan, hate (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 353.9 = 272.2i b .—Pt. (o). 
lufigan, love (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 353.8 = 272.21“.—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—beon (wesan), be (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Oros 1 (1): 226.2 =227, 2: o. 
sculan, shall, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—leornian, learn (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bede 1 (1): 162.i b = 136.10. 

8. With swilc (swylc) J>aet, such that (2): 

lystan, please (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened 1 (1): 126.18 = 194.1.—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—herigan, praise (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): J 57 /. Horn, (x): 1. 446.33.—Pt. (o). 


8 4 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


g. With swilc (swylc, swelc) . . . J?set, such . . . that (8): 
beon (wesan), be (i).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (i):— A.S. Horn. 6* L.S.I. (i): 32.10. 
habban, have (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg} (1): 59.8=34.18.—Pt. (o). 
healdan, keep, observe (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.Eept 1 (1): Deut} 5.29 b .—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (2): 

—sprecan, speak (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened 1 (1): ii9.24 b = 186.4.—Pt. (o). 

—todaelan, distribute, divide (x).—Pr. (1):— Bened 1 (1): 46.14 s =86.14.— 
Pt. (o). 

ondraedan, fear (1).—Pr. (1):— AElf.Hept 1 (1): Deut . 1 5.29 s .—Pt. (o). 
onfon, receive (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Laws (1): Iud.Dei 415I2, 3] 0 .—Pt. (o). 
sculan, shall, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—wundrian, wonder (1).—Pr. (1):— Wcerf . 1 (1): 187.9 b = 228B 0 .—Pt. (o). 

10. With swelc . . . ]?aette, such . . . that (2): 
durran, dare, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—geandettan, confess (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 103.20 = 72.2.—Pt. (o). 
fullfremman, complete, effect (1). —Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 435.26=362.2.— 
Pt. (o). 

11. With to . . . J>aet, too . . . that (8): 

adrifan, drive away (1).—Pr. (1):— Bl. Horn. (1): 43.23.—Pt. (o). 
ahreddan, save (1).—Pr. (x):— Bl. Horn. (1): 43.24.—Pt. (o). 
beon (wesan), be ( 1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Wulf. (1): 236.7. 
gehyran (-hieran), hear (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Wulf. (1): 236.6. 
gescomian, be ashamed (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Jul. (1): 713. 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—awritan, write out (1).—Pr. (1):— Solil . 1 (1): 3.19 =3.22.—Pt. (o). 
motan, may, must, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—gehyran (-hieran), hear (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Wulf. (1): 237.22. 
wlatigan, cause a person loathing (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth . 1 (1): 23.21 = 33 - 35 -— 
Pt. (o). 

12. With J>aes . . . J>set, to the extent . . . that, so . . . that (21): 

alysan, release (1).—Pr. (1):— And. (1): 1373.—Pt. (o). 
beon (wesan), be (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Minor Poems ( i):Gericht no.—Pt. (o). 
biscyrgan, deprive (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Minor Poems (1): Gab. 11.—Pt. (o). 
forlaetan, leave (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Minor Poems (1): Gab. 22.—Pt. (o). 
getweogan (-tweon), doubt, hesitate (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Gen. 
(1): 833. 

lufian, love (1).—Pr. (1):— Jul. (1): 178.—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (8): 

—asceadan, separate, depart (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1); Wulf. (1): 185.2. 
—asecgan, say, tell (1).—Pr. (1):— Rid. (1): 2.2 s .—Pt. (o). 

—bibugan, avoid (1).—Pr. (1):— Guthl. (1): 840.—Pt. (o). 

—gereccan, reckon (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Minor Poems (1): Gericht 31.—Pt. (o). 


APPENDIX A—STATISTICS 


85 


—geriman, number (1).—Pr. (1):— Ex. (1): 439.—Pt. (o). 

—habban, have (1).—Pr. (1):— Minor Poems (1): Hollenfahrt Chr. 66.—Pt. 
(o). 

—witan, know (1).—Pr. (1):— Minor Poems (1): Schopf. 77.—Pt. (o). 

—wijdiabban, withstand (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Minor Poems (1): 
Chr. 6* S. (1): 519. 

onsendan, send (1).—Pr. (1):— Minor Poems (1): Gab. 21.—Pt. (o). 
onwendan, turn aside (1).—Pr. (1):— Jul. (x): 57.—Pt. (o). 
sculan, shall, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—faran, go (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Mlf. Hept . 1 (1): Exod . 1 io.io b . 

|mrfan, need (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth . 1 (1): 75.5 =67.15: o.—Pt. (o). 
weor)?an, become, be, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—gegearwian, prepare (1).—Pr. (1):— Minor Poems (1):— Gab. 99.—Pt. (o). 
willan, will, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—reccan, heed (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Dan. (1): 596. 
witan, know (1).—Pr. (1):— Beow. (1): 1367.—Pt. (o). 

13. With Jrillic . . . J>aet, such . . . that (1): 
habban, have (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): JElf. Horn. (1): 1. 406.23. 

II. In the “Lindisfame Gospels” (6) 

1. With swae (swa) J>aet, so that (2): 

gesea, see (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Mat. (1): 12.22. 
wosa, be, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—toslita, divide (1).—Pr. (1):— Mat. (1): Int. 8.16.—Pt. (o). 

2. With suae (sua) . . . baet, so . . . that (1): 
gefylla, satisfy (1).—Pr. (1):— Mat. (1): 15.33.—Pt- (°)- 

3. With suae (sua) l>aette, so that (3): 
gesea, see (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Mk. (1): 8.25. 
wosa, be (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— L. (1): 5.7 0 . 
wosa, be, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—awundriga, wonder (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Mk. (1): 15.5. 

SUBTYPE B. PREPOSITIONAL 

I. In West-Saxon (66) 

1. With on J>a wisan J>aet, in such wise that (2): 

fyligan, follow (1).—Pr. (1) Bened . 1 (1): 69.7 b = 130.13.—Pt. (o). 
gesweotoligan, manifest, prove (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 69.8 = 130.13.— 
Pt. (o). 

2. With on J?a wisan . . . l?aet, in such wise . . . that (1): 

weor|)an, become, happen (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 65.1 =122.16.—Pt. (o). 


86 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


3. With to \>sem (J>am) J>aet, to the extent that, so that (4): 

haebban (=hebban), extol, exalt (1 ).—Pr. (1):— Greg. 1 (1): 319.17 = 246.17. 
—Pt. (o). 

hreowsian, repent of, atone for (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 425.24 b =348.22. 
Pt. (o). 

magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—aredian , find the way, go (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth. 1 (1 ): 55.22 = 53.5.—Pt. (o). 
ongietan, understand (x).—Pr. (1):— Greg. 1 (1): 425.24=348.22.—Pt. (o). 

4. With to ]?aem (]?am) . . . J?aet, to the extent . . . that, so .. . that (26): 

agan (nagan) owe (not), have (not) (1).—Pr. (1): Laws (1): Alfred 88[77]°.— 
Pt. (o). 

beon, be (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 293.7=220.29. 
cunnan, can, be able, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—tocnawan, know (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg. 1 (1): 411.26° =332.10.—Pt. (o). 
durran, dare, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—cuman, come (x).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 508.32.—Pt. (o). 
forsearian, dry up, wither (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Greg. 1 (1): 293.6 = 220.29“. 
gebringan, bring (1).—Pr. (1):— JElf. Horn. (1): 1. 164.11.—Pt. (o). 
gedaelan, give, bestow (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 306.5“.—Pt. (o). 
gesettan, place (1).—Pr. (1): Greg. 1 (1): 459.n b =392.10.—Pt. (o). 
gewunian, live, reside (1).—Pr. (1): —Laws (1): VI JZthelr. 256[36] b .—Pt. (o). 
lastan, leave (2).—Pr. (2):— Wulf. (2): 135.13, 291.6 b .—Pt. (o). 
lifan (liefan), allow (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 174.6— Pt. (o). 
lifian (libban), live (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): JElfred 88[77] d .—Pt. (o). 
lystan, please (1).—Pr. (1):— Solil. 1 (1): 48.3 =48.25.—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened. 1 (1): 47.6° = 88.6.—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (6): 

—begytan (-gietan), acquire (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): /Elf. Horn. (1): 
1. 140.4“. 

—gehaealdan (-healdan), hold(i). —Pr. (1):— Solil. 1 (1): 3.16 =3.31.—Pt. (o). 
—gesecan, seek (1).—Pr. (1):— A.S.Hom. & L.S. 11. (1): I 44 - 9 - —Pt. (o). 
—gestrienan, beget (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): Alfred 84.65.—Pt. (o). 

—sp(r)ecan, speak (2).—Pr. (2):— Wulf. (2): 38.i5 b , 301.11.—Pt. (o). 
unrotsigan, be sad (1).—Pr. (1):— Solil. 1 (1): 32.7 =32.25.—Pt. (o). 
willan (nyllan), will (not), plus a complementary verbal (2): 

—beon underJ>eod, be subject (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bened. 1 (1): 
113.17 = 178.20. 

—ofslean, slay (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mlf.L.S. (1): 11. 62.148“. 
wilnigan, desire (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth. 1 (1): 25.6=34.2.—Pt. (o). 
wyrnan (wiernan), deny, refuse (1).—Pr. (1): —Laws (1): VI /Ethels. 178 
[8, 2] 0 .—Pt. (o). 

5. With to fraes . . . J>aet, to the extent . . . that, so . . . that (15): 
beon (wesan), be (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Bl. Horn. (1): ii7.25 b . 


APPENDIX A—STATISTICS 


87 


beon (wesan), be, plus a complementary verbal (2): 

—behydan, hide (1).—Pr. (1 ):—A.S.Hom. 6* L.S. 11. (1): 154.65.—Pt. (o). 
—onscunigan, shun (1).—Pr. (1):— Bl. Horn. (1): 111.29.—Pt. (o). 
cuman, come (1).—Pr. (1):— Bl. Horn. (1): in.25.—Pt. (o). 
don, do, inflict (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bede 1 (1): 114.31 =93.5. 
gesecan, seek (1).—Pr. ( i):—Boeth 1 (1): 53.5 = 52.10:0—Pt. (o). 
habban (nabban), have {not) (2).—Pr. (2):— A.S. Horn. &• L.S. 11(1): 158.152; 
— Minor Poems (x): Seaf. (1): 42.—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (5): 

awendan, change (1).—Pr. (1):— Minor Poems (1): Zaubers. (1): 1. 64.— 
Pt. (o). 

—beon (wesan), be(i).— Pr. (1):— Greg. 1 (1): 354.9 = 266.12.—Pt. (o). 

—gewercean (-wyrcan), work (1).—Pr. {i):—Bl. Horn. (1): 127.18.—Pt. (o). 
—locigan, look (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Solil. 1 (1): 35.12 =35.24.—Pt. (o). 

—lybban (libban), live (1).—Pr. (1):— Solil} (1): 44.17 =44.32.—Pt. (o). 
onfon, receive (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Bl. Horn. (1): 223.24. 
sculan, shall, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—agildan, pay for (1).—Pr. (1):— Minor Poems (1): Rede der Seele 98.— 
Pt. (o). 

6 . With to J>on (ban) J>ast, to the extent that, so that (7): 

cunnan, can, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—laeran, teach (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 383.21 =298.20.—Pt. (o). 
gemetan, find, obtain (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg. 1 (1): 417.1 =338.5.—Pt. (o). 
iernan, run (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg. 1 (1): 431.23 =356.17.—Pt. (o). 
lufian, love (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Wcerf. 1 (1): 189.22® = 229D b . 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—laeran, teach (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg. 1 (1): 383.21® = 298.20.—Pt. (o). 
baccian, stroke (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Wcerf. 1 (1): 189.22 b = 229D 0 . 
Jmrfan, need (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth. 1 (1): 65.17 =60.6.—Pt. (o). 

7. With to bon (ban) . . . \>edt, to the extent . . . that, so . . . that (10): 

forstandan, protect, defend (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): VI Mthels. i78[8, 2] d .— 
Pt. (o). 

fremman, perform, commit (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 185.15.—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): Wihtr. i2[6] d .—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (3): 

—bodian, announce, preach (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt.l (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 
232.24. 

—ongietan, understand (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 67.25. =42.19.—Pt. (o). 

—wibsacan, deny (1).—Pr. (1): Wcerf. 1 (1): 304.21 =368B®.—Pt. (o). 
tiligan, strive for (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth 1 (1): 69.10 = 63.25.—Pt. (o). 
unnan, grant (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): IV Eadgar 206(1, 2] b .—Pt. (o). 
willan (wyllan), will, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—secgan, say (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Wcerf. 1 (1): 305.3 =368B 1 .—Pt. (o). 


88 CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 

wyrigan (wirigan), condemn, curse (i).—Pr. (i):— Mlf. Horn, (i): i. 114.26. 
Pt. (o). 

8. With to l>on Jiaette, to the extent that, so that (1): 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—(ge)settan, set, place (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bede 1 (1): 296.30 = 
227.14. 

II. In the “Lindisfame Gospels” (0) 

Of the Consecutive Subjunctive Introduced by Prepositional Correla¬ 
tive Particles no clear example has been found in the Lindisfame Gos¬ 
pels. 

II. THE CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE INTRODUCED 
BY SINGLE PARTICLES 

I. In West-Saxon (351) 

1. With swa, so that (3): 

maenan, tell (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Rid. (1): 61.17. 

onJ?eon, succeed (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Rid. (1): 88.31 (or Locative, as by 
Tupper?). 

witan (nytan), know {not) (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): Ine 92[7] b .—Pt. (o). 

2. With j?aet, that, so that (334): 

abugan, incline, yield (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (1): 11. 202.210. Pt. (o). 
acwelan, die (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Hept . 1 (1): Exod . 1 16.3.—Pt. (o). 
agan (nagan), own {not) (2).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 333.9=256.24; Mlf. 
Rom. (1): 11. 220.13.—Pt. (o). 

alysan, release (1).—Pr. {i):—Wulf. (1): 3 o6.5 b .—Pt. (o). 
arasigan, reprove (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): i43- I 9 = 104.1.—Pt. (o). 
arisan, arise (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mlf. Horn. (1): I. 602.9. 
aslawian, become torpid (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 453.24 a =384.19.—Pt. (o). 
aslidan, slip (2).—Pr. (2):— Pr. Ps 1 (1): 16.5 s ;— Mlf. Hept . 1 (1): Deut . 1 
32.35—Pt. (o). 

ateon, pull out (1).—Pr. (1 )\—Gosp . 1 (1): L . 1 6.42 b (or Final?).—Pt. (o). 
ateorian, fail (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 480.137. 
bacan, bake (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mlf. Hept . 1 (x): Exod 1 12.39. 
bebyrigan, bury (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bede 1 (1): 50.5=30.11 (or 
Final?). 

befeallan,/a// (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Mlf.L.S. (1): 11. 416.295.—Pt. (o). 

begietan, obtain, merit (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Mlf. Hept . 1 (1): Jos . 1 n.2o c . 

behealdan, behold (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1): Rid. (1): 61.5. 

behofian, need (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 63.18 s = 120.11.—Pt. (o). 

beon (wesan), be (34).—Pr. (23);— Boeth . 1 (3): 23.26=33.39, 90.5 = 77.11, 

i3i.30 b = iii.ioi; — Greg . 1 (1): 165.4 = 120.7;— Pr.Ps. (1): 38.i6 b ;— Laws 

(3): Mlfred S2[E\. 2i] b , 86[7s] c ; Northum. 38o[2] d ;— Bened . 1 (3): 75.6 = 142.16, 


APPENDIX A—STATISTICS 


8 9 


75.9 = 142.17% 133.4 = 206.1;— Mlf. Horn. (2): 1. 174.34, 596.2;— Mlf. Eept} 
(2): EacoJ. 1 34.9 0 , Deut . 1 25.13;— Gosp . 1 (1): L . 1 (1): 23.22;— Wulf. (4): 96.2, 
212.30% 220.24, 273.10;— Met. Ps . 1 (1): i4o.5 b ;— Minor Poems (2): Sal. 423, 
Vom Jiingsten Page 40.—Pt. (11):— Boeth . 1 (2): 24.5 =33.44, 59.1b = 56.18;— 
Oros . 1 (2): 36.28=37.26, 94-4 b = 95 - 3 J— Chron. (1): 138.14 (E1009);— Bl. 
Horn. (1): 41*3“;— Mlf.Eom. (1): 11. 136.24;— Mlf.Eept} (1): Gen . 1 45.1“;— 
Mlf.L.S. (1): 11. 418.303;— Beow. (x): 3071;— Met.Ps . 1 (1): 143.4. 
beon (wesan), be, plus a complementary verbal (18): 

—adilegian (adylegian), blot out (2).—Pr. (2): Mlf. Eept} (2): Deut . 1 25.6 b ; 
Judg . 1 5, p. 406, 1 . 13.—Pt. (o). 

—adon, remove, take away (x).—Pr. (1):— Bl. Eom. (1): 79.1.—Pt. (o). 

—afligan, put to flight (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened} (1): 75.io b = 142.18%—Pt. (o). 
—alaedan, lead away (1).—Pr. (1): Mlf. Eept . 1 (1): Exod . 1 3.n b .—Pt. (o). 

—amyrran, injure (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): II Cnut 348 [56]%—Pt. (o). 

—fordeman, judge (1).—Pr. (1):— Gosp} (1): Mat . 1 (1): 7.1%—Pt. (o). 

—forleosan, lose (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.Eom. (1): 1. 514.19.—Pt. (o). 

—(ge)beran, bear (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Gosp . 1 (1): J . 1 (1): 9.2. 

—(ge)cyrran, convert (1).—Pr. (1):— Gosp . 1 (1): J . 1 (1): 12.40°.—Pt. (o). 

—(ge)eadmodian, deign, humble one's self (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Wcerf . 1 
(1): 345 - 8 a = 42 oD*. 

—(ge)fyllan,_/£//(i).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Eept . 1 (1 ):Judg} 15, p.411,1.7.—Pt. (o). 
—(ge)lyfan, believe (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (1): 234.238. 

—(ge)Jjreagan, rebuke (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Eom. (1): 11. 96.5.—Pt. (o). 

—(ge)untrumian, make infirm (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 101.4=68.24.— 
Pt. (o). 

—ofsettan, oppress (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 75.10 = 142.18“.—Pt. (o). 

—onstyrian, excite (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 159.7 0 = 114.24“.—Pt. (o). 

—underJ>e(o)dan, subject (1).—Pr. (1):— Chron. (1): 31.12 (E 656).—Pt. (o). 
beridan, besiege (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws ( i):Mlfred 74(42, i] b .—Pt. (o). 
besargian, sorrow over (1). Pr. (1):— Mlf. Eom. (1): 1. 584.6“.—Pt. (o). 
besittan, besiege (2).—Pr. (2):— Laws (2): Mlfred 74(42, 1]% 76(42, 3].— 

Pt. (o). 

bringan, bring, offer (3).—Pr. (2):— Mlf. Eept . 1 (1): Exod . 1 10.25;— Wulf. 
(1): 238.2.—Pt. (1):—I. (1): A.S.Eom. & L.S. 11 (1): 123.214. 
clypigan, proclaim (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 133.6“ = 206.3.—Pt. (o). 
cuman, come (2).—Pr. (2):— Gosp} (2): Mat . 1 (1): 23.35, Mk . 1 (1): 4.22%— 
Pt. (o). 

cunnan, know (7).—Pr. (7):— Laws (1): I Cnut 304(22, 6]°;— Bened . 1 (1): 
io3.i2 b = 168.19;— Wcerf . 1 (1): 301.10 =364]}“;— Wulf. (3): 136.12% 301.30% 
307.28b;— Minor Poems (1): Chr. 6* S. 17.—Pt. (o). 
cunnan, can, may, plus a complementary verbal (2): 

—aredian, find out (what is appropriate) (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg} (1): 287.6 
= 216.21.—Pt. (o). 

—understandan, understand (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 307.21%—Pt. (o). 
cwejmn, say, speak (2).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (1): 11. 198.136“.—Pt. (1):— 
I. (1 ):Mlf. Eom. (1): 1. 190.32“. 


go 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


derigan, injure (i). —Pr. (i): — Mlf. L.S. (i):i. 464.3 7o b . Pt. (o). 

don, put (1).—Pr. (1):— Gosp . 1 (1): JJ (1): 5 * 7 * Pt* (°)* 

dreogan, suffer, allow (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): Northum. 38[48] b . Pt. (o). 

durran, dare, plus a complementary verbal (3): 

—gedon, do, act, (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1 ):—Boeth . 1 (1): 134.6 = 1x3*156. 

—syngian, sin (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 109.16 0 = 76.5°. Pt. (o). 

—werian, defend (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1 ):—Oros . 1 (1): 194.16 = 195*13* 

ecan, increase (1).—Pr. (1):— Pr.Ps . 1 (1): 9*38“ • Pt. (o). 

faegnigan, rejoice (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 1. 584*6 b * Pt. (o). 

faran, go (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Hept . 1 (1): Exod . 1 10.8 a . Pt. (o). 

feallan, fall (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mlf. Hept . 1 (1): Jos 1 (1): n.2o b . 

findan,jUd (3).—Pr. (2 y.—Solil 1 (1): i3*4 = 13*25 \-Gosp 1 (1): J . 1 (1): 7*35* 

—Pt. (1):— El. (1): 831. 

fleon, flee (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Hept 1 (1): Hum 1 10.35°.—Pt. (o). 
forbeodan, forbid (1).—Pr. (1):— A.S. Horn. & L.S. 1 (x): 9.212. Pt. (o). 
forberan, forbear, tolerate (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 219. 2 = 164.19. Pt. (o). 
forberstan, burst (1).—Pr. (1): —Laws (1): III Mpelr. 230^, i]°. Pt. (o). 
forgietan , forget (x).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 387.14“ =302.26“.—Pt. (o). 
forlaetan, dismiss (5).—Pr. (3):— Mlf. Hept 1 (1): Exod . 1 8.29 -,—Gen. (1): 
429;— Met. Ps 1 (1):—I. (1): 140.5.—Pt* (2 A.S.Horn. & L.S. 11 (2): 

20I.200 a,b . 

forweorJ>an (-wur^an), perish (4).—Pr. (2):— Mlf. Hept 1 (2): Gen 1 42.2 b , 

Deut . 1 28.61.—Pt. (2):— Wulf. 86.1, 198.9. 

fremigan, help (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): n. 556 *i 5* Pt* (°)* 

fultumigan, help (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.L.S. (1): 11. 350.269. Pt. (o). 

gan, go (2).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Mlf. Hept . 1 (1): Exod . 1 3.11“.—Pt. (1):—I. 

(1): Bede 1 (1): 394-25 b = 287.i2 b . 

gangan, go (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Hept . 1 (1): Deut . 1 28.34. Pt. (o). 
gebidan, await (2).—Pr. (2):— Mlf .Hept . 1 (2): Deut . 1 28.67 a,b . Pt. (o). 
gebugan, turn (2).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Horn. (1): 11. 96.6. Pt. (1): Mart. (1). 
38.3 b . 

geeacnigan, increase, add to (1).—Pr. (1):— Gosp . 1 (1): Mat . 1 (1): 6.27. 
Pt. (o). 

gefremman, perform, do (2).—Pr. (2):— Mlf.L.S. (1): 1. 386.31; Wulf. (1): 
2I2.30 b .—Pt. (o). 

gegripan, seize (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1).—^4.5. Horn. & L.S. 11. (1): 203.263 b . 
gehaeftan, take captive (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1): I. (1): Mlf. Hept . 1 (1): Jos . 1 

II.20 a . 2 

gehaelan, heal (1) —Pr. (1):—I- (1): Gosp . 1 (1): J . 1 (1): 12.40*.— Pt.(o). 
gehealdan, keep, observe (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bl. Horn. (1): 45*22. 
gehyran (-hieran), hear (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Warf . 1 (1): i77*i5 = 3 2 °C b . Pt. (o). 
gelyfan (-liefan), believe (2).—Pr. (1):— Wcerf . 1 (1): 262.16 =32oC b .—Pt. (1): 
—I. (1):— Bl. Horn. (1): i75* 2 5* 

2 In this passage, however, gehaeftan seems to mean fight and to answer to pugnarent of 
the Latin. 


APPENDIX A—STATISTICS 


9i 


generigan, save (1) —Pr. (1):— Met. Ps . 1 (1): 88.41*.—Pt. (o). 
gesceawigan, see (1).—Pr. (i):—Met. Ps . 1 (1): 88.4i b .—Pt. (o). 
geseon, see (2).—Pr. (2):— Gosp . 1 (2): L . 1 (1): 8.io b ; J . 1 (1): 12.40®.—Pt. (o). 
geteorigan, fail (1).—Pr. (1):— Gosp 1 (1): L 1 (1): 22.32— Pt. (o). 
gejmfian, allow (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Laws (1): Episc. 478[g] d .—Pt. (o). 
gejiencan, think (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Mf.L.S. (1):n. i98.i36 b .—Pt. (o). 
gewegan, weigh (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Laws (1): Bias. 3 88[i]°. —Pt. (o). 
gewitan, depart (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1 Horn. (1): 1. 178.2. 

grapian, grope (1).—Pr. (1 Hept . 1 (1): Deut . 1 28.29®.—Pt. (o). 

gretan, touch (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Beow. (1): 3081. 
gyltan, commit sin(i)—Vr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1) i—Bened . 1 (1): 2i.io b =42.10. 
gyman, (gieman), take care of (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mlf.Hom. (1): 
11. 136.23. 

habban (nabban), have (not) (15).—Pr. (12): —Laws (4): Norpleoda 46o[7] b , 
[9] b , [io] b , [n];— Bl.Hom. (1): 147.18;— Mlf. Horn. (1): n. 432.5 \—Mlf. 
Hept . 1 (2): Deut . 1 2 8.2 9 b , 3 s b ;— A.S. Horn. 6* L.S. 1 (1): 63.272;— Wulf. (1): 
I 4°-3 j— Guth. (1): 360; —Minor Poems (1): Zaubers. V, C 10®.—Pt. (3):— 
I. (3): Boeth. 1 ( 1): 59.2® = 56.18; —Laws (2): Gepyncpo 4sS[y]°, Ap 464(2]. 
habban, have , plus a complementary verbal (1): 

forgietan, forget (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 159.8 = ii4.24 b .—Pt. (o). 
healdan, hold, keep (2).—Pr. (1):— Minor Poems (1): Predigtbruchstiick 38.— 
Pt. (1):— Oros . 1 (1): 68.3=67.28. 

herigan, praise (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth 1 (1): 72.2o b = 65.17:o.—Pt. (o). 
hlaenigan, make or become lean (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 87.i7 b = 58.16.— 
Pt. (o). 

hlistan (hlystan), listen (1).—Pr. (1):— Mf.Hept . 1 (1): Exod . 1 5.9°.—Pt. (o). 
hwearfian, turn, change (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Boeth . 1 (1): 18.28 = 28.40:0. 
laetan, allow (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Beow. (1): 3082. 

libban, live (2).—Pr. (2):— ZElf.Hept 1 (1): Deut 1 30.19;— Bl. Horn. (1): 
109.13.—Pt. (o). 

began, lie (2).—Pr. (2):— Mlf.Hept 1 (1): Num . 1 14.3 d ;— Bl.Hom. (1): 
109.13.—Pt. (o). 

lufigan, love (2).—Pr. (2):— Laws (1): Northum. 383 [48]°;— Mlf.Hom. (1): 
1. 584.7.—Pt. (o). 

lystan, please (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 285.9 = 214.27.—Pt. (o). 

magan, may, can (2).—Pr. (2):— Bened 1 (1): 103.12® = 168.19;—I. (1): 

Mlf. Horn. (1): 11. 346.12.—Pt. (o). 

magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (54): 

—adwaescan, extinguish (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 435.10 =36o.i7 b .—Pt. (o). 
—afaestnian, fix, fasten (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Oros . 1 (1): 294.27 
= 295.24. 

—ahwettan, whet (1).—Pr. (1):— And. (1): 303.—Pt. (o). 

—aredian, direct (2).—Pr. (2):— Boeth 1 (1): 139.31=121.12;— AElf.Hept . 1 
(1): Deut . 1 28.29 b .—Pt. (o). 

—ariman, count (1).—Pr. (1):— Bl. Horn. (1): 59.33.—Pt. (o). 


92 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


—asecgan, recount (3).—Pr. (3):— Bl.Eom. (2): 103.19, 219.25; A.S. Horn. 
6* L.S. 11 (1): 166.62.—Pt. (o). 

—aspyrian, discover (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Minor Poems (1): Sal. 

434 . 

—atellan, reckon, enumerate (1).—Pr. (1): Laws (1): Gerefa 455 [ J 6]* 
Pt. (o). 

—becuman, come (1).—Pr. (1):— /Elf.L.S. (1): n. 44 - 675 - Pt. (o). 

—befeolan, devote (1).—,Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 7.n b =o. Pt. (o). 

—behydan, hide (1).—Pr. (1) A.S. Horn. &• L.S. 11 (1): 169.133—Pt- (o). 
—beon getaeled, be reproved (1).—Pr. (o). Pt. (1): I. (1): Wcerf . 1 (1). 
345.17 s =421 A b . 

—cuman, come (1).—Pr. (1):— Solil 1 (1): 14.2=14.22. Pt. (o). 

—cwe|?an (cwae]?an), say (2).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Solil . 1 (1): IS- 1 ? = I 5 * 3 1 *' 
Pt. (1):—I. (1): Wcerf . 1 (1): 159.24 s = 186B 0 . 

—derian, injure (1).—Pr. (1):— /Elf.L.S. (1): 11. 112.696. Pt. (o). 

—don, do (3).—Pr. (3 ):—Boeth 1 (2): 36.27 =41.32, 141.29 = 125.6;—Bewed. 1 
(1): 58.15 15 = 110.2.—Pt. (o). 

—eardian, live (1).—Pr. (1):— Bl.Eom. (1): 37 - 9 - Pt. (o). 

—ieohtan } fight (1).—Pr. (1 ):—/Elf.L.S. (1): n. 318.69—Pt. (o). 

—fleogan, fly (2).—Pr. (1):— Minor Poems (1): Vom Jiingsten Page no.— 
Pt. (1):—I. (1 ):Gen. (i):^ 7 - 

—forbeodan, forbid (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): /Elf.L.S. (1): 1. 232.191. 
—forjjbringan, produce (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): Norpleoda 460 [7] 0 . Pt. 
(o). 

—gan, go (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Boeth . 1 (1): 107.15 =92.46— Pt. (o). 

—gecirran, return (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 277.13° = 208.29. Pt. (o). 

—gefeon, rejoice (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 14.9 = 24.15. Pt. (o). 

—gefultumian, help (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): JElf.L.S. (1): II. 336.12. 
—gegaderian, collect, assemble (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1): I. (1): Chron. (1): 
135.26 (E 1004). 

—gegan, go to, visit (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened . 1 (1): 140.20 s = 178.12 :o. Pt. (o). 
—gehieran, hear (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): JElfred 80 [46, i] b . Pt. (o). 

—gelijttan, assuage, help (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mlf.Eom. (1): 11. 
134 - 33 - 

—geraecean, reach (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bl.Eom. (1): 207.22. 

—gesecan, seek (1).—Pr. (1):—- 4 . 5 . Eom. &“ L.S. 11. (1): 166.59. Pt. (o). 

—geseon, see (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Judith (1): 136. 

—getaecan, teach (1).—Pr. (1):— /Elf. L.S. (1): 11. 4 - 5 lb -—Pt. (°)- 
—gewealdan, control (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 119.17=84.3.—Pt. (o). 

—gewrecan, avenge (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Oros . 1 (1): 98.10 = 99.12. 

—habban, have (2).—Pr. (2):— Greg . 1 (1): 4°9- I 6 =328.26; Bened . 1 (1)' 
65.7 = 122.19.—Pt. (o). 

—hyran, hear (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Judith (1): 24. 

—longian, long for (1).—Pr. (1):— Oros . 1 (1): 84.27=85.27.—Pt. (o). 

—myltsian, pity (1).—Pr. (1):— JElf.L.S. (1): 1. 62.188 s .—Pt. (o). 


APPENDIX A—STATISTICS 


93 


—onsecggan, abjure, renounce (i).—Pr. (i):— Laws (i): JElfred 58 [i4] b .— 
Pt. (o). 

—scinan, shine (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Boeth . 1 (1): 95.12 =81.12:o.—Pt. (o). 

—tocwysan, crush (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. ( i): Mf.L.S . (1): 11. 296.1247. 
—Jmrhteon, accomplish (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 127.15=90.3.—Pt. (o). 

—witan, know (1).—Pr. (1):— Solil . 1 (1): 64.3 =no Latin.—Pt. (o). 

—wij?standan, withstand (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): AElf.L.S. (1): 11. 
248.454. 

—wrecan, punish (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 151.2 = 108.13.—Pt. (o). 
motan, may, must, plus a complementary verbal (8): 

—aegnian, vex (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Exod. (1): 264.—Pt. (o). 

—began, accomplish (1).—Pr. (1):— Solil 1 (1): 47.11 =47.27.—Pt. (o). 

—don, do (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Boeth 1 (1): 142.10 = 126.11 :o. 

—eglan, torture (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Judith (1): 185. 

—fulgrowan, grow to the full (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 67.23 b =42.i8 b .— 
Pt. (o). 

—gesceHan, injure (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): And. (1): 916.—Pt. (o). 

—gestillan, stay, restrain (1).—Pr. (1):— Met . 1 (1): 167.25=49.16.—Pt. (o). 
—lesan, redeem, absolve, (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Laws (1): JElfred 66 

[32K 

neotan, enjoy (1).—Pr. (1):— Met.Ps . 1 (1): 88.41“.—Pt. (o). 

niman, take (3).—Pr. (3):— Laws (1): VI AEthels. 183 [12, 2]®;— Bened . 1 

(1): 65.3 b = 122.16;— Gosp 1 (1): J . 1 (1): 6.7.—Pt. (o). 

oferbrecan, break (1).—Pr. (1):— Oros 1 (x): 242.8 = 243.2.—Pt. (o). [Oferbrec 
= oferbrece?] 

oferflowan, overflow (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg . 1 (1): 459.i5 b .—Pt. (o). 
offrian, offer (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.Rept 1 (1): Exod 1 io.8 b .—Pt. (o). 
ongebringan, bring upon (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (x): Wcerf . 1 (1): 187.5 
= 228B“. 

ongi(e)nnan, begin (2).—Pr. (2):— Greg . 1 (1): 34i.3 b = 262.26 b ;— Solil . 1 (1): 
30.25=30.33.—Pt. (o). 

ongytan (-gietan), understand (2).—Pr. (1):— Gosp . 1 (1): J . 1 (1): i2.4o b .— 
Pt. (1):— Mart. (1): 170.3. 

onhagian, please (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 285.5.—Pt* (°)* 

ofrferian, carry off (1).—Pr. (1):— Minor Poems (1): Zaubers. V, C 11.— 

Pt. (o). 

ojrtiealdan, withhold (1).—Pr. (1):— Minor Poems (1): Zaubers. V, C 12.— 
Pt. (o). 

o})laedan, take away (1).—Pr. (1):— Minor Poems (1): Zaubers. V, C io b .— 
Pt. (o). 

scamigan, be ashamed (2).—Pr. (2):—I. (2): Greg . 1 (2): 101.5=68.25, 165.5 
= 120.8.—Pt. (o). 

sceJ)J)an, injure (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Guth. (1): 414. 
sculan, shall, plus a complementary verbal (12): 

—beon (bion), be (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (i):I. (1): A.S. Horn. L.S. n. (1): 

203.266. 


94 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


—fyllan, fill (i).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (i)I. (i): Guth. (i): 944 - 
—gehyran, hear (i).—Pr. (i):— Mf.Eom. (i): n. 192.15. Pt. (o). 

—geJ)olian, suffer (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):— Boeth. 1 (1): 18.26 = 28.40.0. 

—gyrnan, yearn for, desire (1).—Pr. (x):— Bened. 1 (1): 14.8 = 24.14. Pt. (o). 
—hyran, hear (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf.Eept} (1): Exod. 1 5.2. Pt. (o). 

—laetan, allow (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Wulf. (1): 185.13. Pt. (o). 

—licgan, lie (1),—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Beow. (1): 965. 

—lufian, love (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): Bl. Horn. (1): 115.1“- Pt. (°)> 

—Jjeowian, serve (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Wcerf. 1 (1): 144.1° = *72A“. 
—weorJ>an (wur])an), become (2).—Pr. (1):— Rid. (1): 4 - 3 1 - Pt- (*) : '*• 
(1): Dan. (1): 325. 

secgan, say, tell (x).—Pr. (1):— Met.Ps. 1 (1): 73 - 9 - Pt. (o). 
seofigian, sigh (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth. 1 (1): 19.4 = 29.3:0. Pt. (o). 
simian , journey (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Guth. (1): 896. 
speligan, represent (1).—Pr. (1):— Mf.Eom. (1): 11. 592.29. Pt. (o). 
sprecan, speak, say (1).—Pr. (1):— Mf.Eom. (1): 1. 512.i6 b . Pt. (o). 
suwigan, be silent (1).—Pr. (1):— Mf.L.S. (1): 11. 434 - I 39 - Pt- (°)* 
swegan, sound (1).—Pr. (1):— Bened. 1 (1): 133.6 b = 206.3. Pt. (o). 
sweltan, die (2).—Pr. (1):— Mlf .Eept} (1): Exod. 1 21.14. Pt. (1). I* (r). 
Mlf. Eept. 1 (1): Num 1 21.5. 

swencan, afflict (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg. 1 (1): 87.17“ = 58.16. Pt. (o). 
swican, forsake (1).—Pr. (1):— And. (1): 958. Pt. (o). 
syllan (sellan), give (1).—Pr. (1):—I.(x): Mf. Eept. 1 (1): Num. 1 n.i3 b .— 
Pt. (o). 

tiligan, strive for, attempt (1).—Pr. (1):— Met.Ps. 1 (1): 143.13. Pt. (o). 
tocnawan, know, recognize (1).—Pr. (1):— Mlf. Eept. 1 (1): Gen 1 n.7 b (MS. 
C).—Pt. (o). 

Jjegnian (genian), serve (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Laws (1): Gepyncpo 

45 8 [ 7 ] d - _ . , 

Jjencan, think (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Mf.Eom. (1): 1. 512.16“.—Pt. (o). 

Jricgan, partake of (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1): I. (1): Bede 1 (1): 394.25 0 = 287.13. 
Jrincan (fouican), seem (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 284.10. Pt. (o). 

J)olian, suffer, sustain (1).—Pr. (1):— Mf. Eept. 1 (1): Deut. 1 28.29°. Pt. (o). 
Jmrfan, need, plus a complementary verbal (6): 

—beon getaeled, be reproved (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1): I. (1): Wcerf. 1 (1): 

345 .i 7 b = 42 iA b . 

—feccan , fetch (1).—Pr. (1):— Gosp. 1 (1): J. 1 (1): 4 - I 5 b - Pt. (°)- 
—geoffrian, offer, sacrifice (1).—Pr. (1):— Mf.L.S. (1): 1. 176.128. Pt. (o). 
—gesecan, seek (1).—Pr. (1):— Bl. Eom. (1): 103.14. Pt. (o). 

—murnan, mourn (1).—Pr. (1):— Judith (1): 153 (or Final?). Pt. (o). 

—ondraedan, fear (1).—Pr. (1):— Oros. 1 (1): 40.28 =41.22. Pt. (o). 

Jjyrstan, cause thirst (1).—Pr. (1):— Gosp. 1 (1): J} (1): 4 - I 5 a - Pt. (o). 
understandan, understand (1).—Pr. (1):— Wulf. (1): 202.11. Pt. (o). 
utflowan , flow out (1).—Pr. (1):— Laws (1): Mfred 80 [53]“. Pt. (o). 


waenan: see wenan. 


APPENDIX A—STATISTICS 


95 


~pt.Z] mnder (2) ' _Pr ' ( ' 2): ~ Ma - 1 (2): -98.18_j07.13, j99.31-j07.j3. 

warnigan, warn (1).—Pr. (1 ):—Wulf. (1): 202.13.—Pt. ( Q ). 

W6 r, (Wffinan) ' W6en ’ Mnk ( 3 )-~ Pr * (3) : — Boeth. 1 (1): 138. 5 = 118.30:0: 
Wulf. (2): 214.14“, 225.1.—Pt. ( 0 ) > 

weorbaJJ (wurban wyrban), become ( 4 ).-Pr. (3 V.-Mf.Hepi} (.): Deut. ■ 
(1). 28.27 Wulf. (1): 247.21, —Met.Ps.' (1): 50.12.— Pt. (1 ):—Mlf.Bom. 
(. 1 ): ii- i 26 . 3 o b . 

weorban (wuiban), become, be, plus a complementary verbal (6) • 

-astyrian, shake (i).-Pr. (o).-Pt. (1 Horn. (1): 11. 258.20. 

—beswican, deceive (2).—Pr. (2 ):—Wulf (2): 101.21, 273.21.-Pt. (o). 
(ge)haelan, heal( 1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1 ):—Mf.L.S. (1): 11. 250.486. 
gehergian, harass (1).—Pr. (1) B eft‘ (1): Bum .> 14.3V-Pt. (o). 

— ofteon, deprive of (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—jl/et.i (j) : I92 . 3I _ 9J . 4 . 
willan, wiW, plus a complementary verbal (5): 

—geseou, see (i).—Pr. (i).— I. (,): Beneid (i): 2.19 =4.24.—Pt. (o). 

—geswican, cease (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bl. Ham. (1): 45.28. 

—oferyrnan, run over (s).-Pr. (2):—I. ( 2 ) ; ( 2): 2 „. I4j 2I9 . 24 ._ 

Pt. (o). 


-ofsleau, slay (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1): — I. (1): Mlf.L.S. (i): 11 . 102.549. 
wtlmgan, desire (1).—Pr. (1) -.—Bened} (1): 2.18 =4.23.—Pt. (o). 
witan (nytau), know (not) (5).—Pr. (4) :—W<zrf> (2): 136.30 = i66A«, 320.2 
-385A '".-Mart, (i): 46.1-; — I. (r) : Rid. (r) : 37.r3.-pt. (i):-CW (i): 
78.15 =79.i 3 b . 

wundri^an, wonder (2).—Pr. (2):— Met} ( 2 ):i 9 8.6 = 107.6, 199.40 = 107.13. 

wunian, dwell, live (1).—Pr. (1):— Met.Ps. 1 (1): x03.33.-Pt. (o) 
wyrcan, work (1).—Pr. (1):— Boeth} (1): 144.8 = 132.40:0.—Pt. (o). 

3. With J>aette, that, so that (14): 

been (wesan), be ( 3 ).-Pr. {tf-.-Boeth. 1 (1): $$.26 = s^o'-Greg 1 (2): 

147-2“ = 106.1; 325.12=250.23.—Pt. (o). 

beon (wesan), be, plus a complementary verbal (1):— 

-bereafian, bereave { x).—Pr. (1) -.—Met. 1 (1): 188.50 = 81.13.—Pt. (o). 

gebrengan, bring (1). Pr. (1) :•— Greg. 1 (1): 363.22 = 282.i2 b .—Pt. (o). 
gemonnjnvaerigan, mollify (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 363.21=282.12“.— 


gemunan, remember (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg 1 (1): 255.18 = 192.30.—Pt. (o). 
magan, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (3): 

—bebeorgan, protect (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1) : Guth. (1): 962. 

—gestieran, steer, direct (1).—Pr. (1):— Oros 1 (1): 94.31 =95.28.—Pt. (o). 
—stondan, stand (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Bede 1 (1): 178.10 =Bede* 
145.22. 

motan, may, must, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—seegan, say (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1 ): Exod. (1): 509. 
ondettan, confess (1).—Pr. (1):— Greg. 1 (1): 105.15“ = 72.19 s .—Pt. (o). 


96 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Jmrfan, need (i).—Pr. (i):— Boeth. 1 (i): 55 - 2 9 — 53 - 6 o- PL (°)- 
willan, will, plus a complementary verbal (i): 

—healdan, hold (i).—Pr. (i):—I. (i):— Minor Poems (i): Des Vaters Lehren 
68 —Pt. (o). 

II. In the “Lindisfame Gospels” (15) 

1. With sua, so that (1): 

maega, may, can, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—gedoa, do, make (1).—Pr. (1):— Mk. (1): 9.3. Pt. (o). 

2. With J>aet, that, so that (3): 

gelefa, believe (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mat. (1): 21.32 (or Final?), 
lifiga, live (1).—Pr. (1):— Mat. (1): 9.18.—Pt. (o). 
wosa, be, plus a complementary verbal (1): 

—gedoema, judge (1).—Pr. (1):— Mat. 7.1.—Pt. (o). 

3. With baette, that, so that (n): 

forleta, dismiss (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—I. (1): Mk. (1): 15.n. 
gebruca, eat (1).—Pr. (1) :—J. (1): 6.s b (or Final?).—Pt. (o). 
gelefa, believe (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1 ): J. (1): 9 - 36 -—Pt- (°)- 
gesenda, put, let down (1).—Pr. (1):— J. (1): S- 7 ft ( or Final?). Pt. (o). 
ofgebrenga, pull out (1). — Pr. (1): — L. (1): 6.42 b (or Final?). Pt. (o). 
onfoa, receive (1).—Pr. (1):—I. (1): (1): 6.7. Pt. (o). 

wosa, be (2). —Pr. (2): — Mat. (1): 23.26; — J. (1): 16.24. Pt. (o). 
wosa, be, plus a complementary verbal (3) : 

—acenna, bear (1).—Pr. (o).—Pt. (1):—/. (1): 9.2. 

—gecerra, turn, convert (1).—Pr. (1):— J. (1): 12.40. Pt. (o). 

—gefylla, fulfill, accomplish (1).—Pr. (1):— L{ 1): 21.22. Pt. (o). 


APPENDIX B: BIBLIOGRAPHY 
I. TEXTS READ 
A. Old English 

.Elf. Hept. 1 = Crawford, S. J.: The Old English Version of The Heptateuch, 
Mfric’s Treatise on the Old and New Testament, and His Preface to 
Genesis ( = Early English Text Society’s Publications, No. 160), London, 
1922. 

.Elf. Horn. = Thorpe, B.: The Homilies of Mfric, 2 vols., London, 1844, 
1846. 

.Elf. L. S. =Skeat, W. W.: Mfric’s Lives of Saints ( = Early English Text 
Society’s Publications, Nos. 76, 82, 94, 114), London, 1881, 1885, 1890, 
1900. 

.Elf. on the O. and N. Test. =^lf. Hept. 1 

And. =Krapp, G. P.: Andreas and the Fates of the Apostles, Boston, 1906. 

A. S. Horn. & L. S. = Assman, B.: Angelsdchsische Homilien und Heiligen- 
leben, Vol. in of Grein-Wulker’s Bibliothek der angelsdchsischen Prosa, 
Kassel, 1889. (Subdivided into I-Nos. 1-9, by iElfric; and 11 = Nos. 
10-19, not by iElfric.) 

Bede 1 = Miller, T.: The Old English Version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History 
of the English People ( = Early English Text Society’s Publications, Nos. 
95-96, iio-iii), London, 1890, 1891, 1898. 

Bened. 1 =Schroer, A.: Die angels dchsischen Prosabearbeitungen der Benedic- 
tinerregel, Vol. 11 of Grein-Wulker’s Bibliothek der angelsdchsischen 
Prosa, Kassel, 1885, 1888. 

Beow. = Klaeber, F.: Beowulf and The Fight at Finnsburg, with Supplement, 
Boston, 1928. 

Bl. Horn. = Morris, R.: The Blickling Homilies of the Tenth Century 
( = Early English Text Society’s Publications , Nos. 58, 63, 73), London, 
1874, 1876, 1880. 

Boeth. 1 =Sedgefield, W. J.: King Alfred’s Old English Version of Boethius 
de Consolatione Philosophiae, Oxford, 1899. [The prose is indicated by 
Boeth. 1 ; the poetical version, by Met. ( = Metres of Boethius).] 

Chr. = Cook, A. S.: The Christ of Cynewulf, Boston, 1900. 

Chr. & S. = Clubb, M. D.: Christ and Satan, An Old English Poem (= Yale 
Studies in English, Vol. lxx), New Haven, 1925. 

Chron. = Plummer, C., and Earle, J.: Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, 
2 vols., Oxford, 1892, 1899. 

Gosp. 1 = Bright, J. W.: The Gospel of Saint Matthew in West-Saxon, The 
Gospel of Saint Mark in West-Saxon, The Gospel of Saint Luke in West- 
Saxon, The Gospel of Saint John in West-Saxon, Boston, 1904-1906. 

Greg. 1 = Sweet, H.: King Alfred’s West-Saxon Version of Gregory’s Pastoral 
Care ( = Early English Text Society’s Publications, Nos. 45, 50), London, 
1871, 1872. 


97 


9 8 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Jud. = Cook, A. S.: Judith, Boston, 1904. 

Jul. = Strunk, W., Jr .-.Juliana, Boston, 1904. 

Laws = Liebermann, F.: Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, 2 vols., Halle, 1898 
1912. 

Lind. Gosp. 1 =Skeat, W. W.: The Holy Gospels in Anglo-Saxon, Nor¬ 
thumbrian, and Old Mercian Versions, Synoptically Arranged, with Col¬ 
lations Exhibiting All the Readings of All the MSS.; together with the 
Early Latin Version as Contained in the Lindisfarne MS., Collated with 
the Latin Version in the Rush worth MS., Cambridge, England, 1871- 
1887. 

Mart. = Herzf eld, G.: An Old English Martyrology ( = Early English Text 
Society’s Publications, No. 1x6), London, 1900. 

Met.: see Boeth. 1 

Orosd = Sweet, H.: King Alfred’s Orosius (Old English Text and Latin 
Original ) ( = Early English Text Society’s Publications, No. 79), Lon¬ 
don, 1883. 

Poems = Grein-Wulker’s Bibliothek der angelsachsischen Poesie, 3 vols., 
Kassel, 1883-1898. [For all the poems except Andreas, Beowulf, Christ 
and Satan, Judith, Juliana, Metres of Boethius, Riddles, and Cynewulf’s 
Christ, which see.] 

Pr. Ps. 1 = Bright, J. W., and Ramsay, R. L.: The West-Saxon Psalms, 
Boston, 1907. 

Rid. =Tupper, F., Jr.: The Riddles of the Exeter Book, Boston, 1910. 

Solil. 1 = Endter, W.: Konig Alfreds des Grossen Bearbeitung der Soliloquien 
des Augustinus ( = Grein-Wulker-Hecht’s Bibliothek der angelsachsi¬ 
schen Prosa, Vol. xi), Hamburg, 1922. 

Weerf J = Hecht, H.: Bischofs Wcerferth von Worcester Uebersetzung der 
Dialoge Gregors des Grossen, Vol. v of Grein-Wulker’s Bibliothek der 
angelsachsischen Prosa, Leipzig, 1900, 1907 {Einleitung ). 

Wulf. = Napier, A. S.: Wulfstan: Sammlung der ihm zugeschriebenen Homi- 
lien, Berlin, 1883. 

B. Latin 

JE If. Hept. 2 = Latin in Mlf. Hept. 1 

Bede 2 = Plummer, C.: Baedae Opera Historica, 2 vols., Oxford, 1896. 

Bened. 2 = The Rule of Our Most Holy Father St. Benedict, ed. with an 
English Translation and Explanatory Notes by a Monk of St. Bene¬ 
dict’s Abbey, Fort-Augustus, London, 1886 (?). 

Boeth. 2 = Peiper, R.: Boetii Philosophiae Consolationis Libri Quinque, Leip¬ 
zig, 1871. 

Gosp. 2 = Wordsworth, I., and White, H. I.: Nouum Testamentum Latine 
Secundum Editionem Sancti Hieronymi, Editio Minor, Oxford, Im¬ 
pression of 1926. 

Greg. 2 =Bramley, H. R.: Saint Gregory on the Pastoral Charge, Oxford, 
1874. 

Lind. Gosp. 2 = Latin in Lind. Gosp. 1 

Met. Ps. 2 = Pr. Ps. 2 


APPENDIX B—BIBLIOGRAPHY 


99 


Oros. 2 = Latin in Or os. 1 

Pr. Ps. 2 = Jager, J. N.: Vetus Testamentum, Greece et Latine, Paris, 1878. 

Solil. 2 = Latin in Solil} 

Waerf. 2 = Migne, J. P.: Sancti Gregorii Papee Dialogorum Libri IV, in 
Patrologice Latince, Vol. 77, pp. 150-442, Paris, 1896 (for Books 1 and 
iii-iv; but Book 11 is in Vol. 66, pp. 125-204 of the Patrologice Latince, 
Paris, 1859). 

H. WORKS CONSULTED 

Adams, Arthur: The Syntax of the Temporal Clause in Old English Prose 
(= Yale Studies in English, No. xxxn), New York, 1907. 

Ahrens, J.: Darstellung der Syntax im Angelsdchsischen Gedicht Phoenix, 
Rostock dis., 1904. 

Batjer, Heinrich: Die Verwendung der Conjunktion “ Daz” in Wolfram von 
Eschenbachs Parzival, Marburg dis., 1890. 

Behaghel, 1 Otto: Die Modi im Heliand, Paderborn, 1876. 

Behaghel, 2 Otto: Ueber die Entstehung der Abhdngigen Rede und die Aus- 
bildung der Zeitfolge im Althochdeutschen, Paderborn, 1877. 

Behaghel, 3 Otto: Die Syntax des Heliand, Wien, 1897. 

Behaghel, 4 Otto: Der Gebrauch der Zeitformen im Konjunktivischen Neben- 
satz des Deutschen, Paderborn, 1899. 

Behaghel, 5 Otto: Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache (reprint from Paul’s 
Grundriss der Germanischen Philologie), 5th ed., Berlin, 1928. 

Behaghel,® Otto: Deutsche Syntax: Eine Geschichtliche Darstellung, 4 vols., 
Heidelberg, 1923, 1924, 1928, 1932. 

Benham, Allen R.: “The Clause of Result in Old English Prose,” in Anglia, 
xxxi, 1908, pp. 197-255 (a Yale dissertation). 

Bennett, 1 C. E.: Appendix to Bennett’s Latin Grammar, Boston, 1895. 

Bennett, 2 C. E.: Critique of Recent Subjunctive Theories (= Cornell Studies 
in Classical Philology, No. ix), Ithaca, New York, 1898. 

Bennett, 3 C. E.: Syntax of Early Latin, Vol. 1. The Verb, Boston, 1910. 

Bennett, 4 C. E.: A Latin Grammar, revised ed., Boston, 1916. 

Bernhardt, 1 Ernst: “Der Gotische Optativ,” in Zeitschrift fur Deutsche 
Philologie, vm, 1877, pp. 1-38. 

Bernhardt, 2 Ernst: “Review of Mourek’s Ueber den Einfluss des Haupt- 
satzes auf den Modus des Nebensatzes im Gotischen,” in Zeitschrift fur 
Deutsche Philologie, xxviii, 1896, pp. 130-138. 

Blain, H. M.: Syntax of the Verb in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, University of 
Virginia dis., New York, 1901. 

Bock, Ludwig: “Ueber Einige Falle des Conjunctivs im Mittelhochdeut- 
schen” ( =Quellen und Forschungen zur Sprach- und Culturgeschichte 
der Germanischen Volker, Vol. xxvn, pp. 1-74), Strassburg, 1878. 

Borinski, Ludwig: Der Stil Konig Alfreds, Leipzig dis., 1931. 

Bosworth, Joseph, and Toller, T. N.: An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, Oxford, 
1882-1921. 


IOO 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Bouman, Arie C.: Bijdrage tot de Syntaxis der “Dat”-zinnen in het Germa- 
nische, Utrecht dis., 1918 (?). 

Brodfiihrer, E.: Beitrage zur Syntax Willirams, Halle dis., 1906. 

Bruce, J. D.: “The Paris Psalter,” in Publications of the Modern Language 
Association of America, ex, 1894, pp. 43 ~ i6 4 ; also in a deprmt as Johns 
Hopkins dis., Baltimore, 1894. 

Brugmann, 1 Karl: Kurze Vergleichende Grammatik der Indogermanischen 
Sprachen, Strassburg, 1904. 

Brugmann, 2 Karl: Die Syntax des Einfachen Satzes im Indogermanischen, 
Berlin und Leipzig, 1925. 

Buchanan, Constance Ruth: Studies in the Syntax of Mlfric's Old English 
Translation of the Vulgate Genesis, M. A. Thesis, University of Texas, 
1922 (not published). 

Burckhardt, Ferdinand: Der Gotische Conjunctiv Verglichen mit den Ent- 
sprechenden Modis des Neutestamentlichen Griechisch: Ein Beitrag zur 
Vergleichenden Sprachforschung, Zschopau, 1872. 

Callaway, 1 M., Jr.: The Absolute Participle in Anglo-Saxon, Johns Hopkins 
dis., Baltimore, 1889. 

Callaway, 2 M., Jr.: “The Appositive Participle in Anglo-Saxon,” in Publica¬ 
tions of the Modern Language Association of America, xvi, 1901, pp. 
141-360. 

Callaway, 3 M., Jr.: The Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon, Washington, D. C., 1913. 

Callaway, 4 M., Jr., Studies in the Syntax of the Lindisfarne Gospels (= Hes¬ 
peria, Supplementary Series, No. 5), Baltimore, 1918. 

Callaway, 6 M., Jr.: The Temporal Subjunctive in Old English, University of 
Texas Press, Austin, 1931. 

Child, C. G.: Beowulf and the Finnesburh Fragment Translated from the Old 
English, Boston, 1904. 

Cockayne, 1 O.: Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England, 3 
vols., London, 1864, 1865, 1866. 

Cockayne, 2 O.: The Shrine, A Collection of Occasional Papers on Dry Sub¬ 
jects, London, 1864-1869. 

Conradi, B.: Darstellung der Syntax in Cynewulfs Juliana, Leipzig dis., 
Halle, 1886. 

Cook, A. S.: A First Book in Old English, 2d ed., revised and enlarged, 
Boston, 1895. 

Curme, 1 G. O.: “is the Gothic Bible Gothic?” in The Journal of English and 
Germanic Philology, x, 19x1, pp. 151-1:90, 3 35 _ 377 • 

Curme, 2 G. O.: “The Forms and the Functions of the Subjunctive in the 
Classical and Modern Languages,” in Modern Philology, xxvi, 1928- 

1929, pp. 387-399- , 

Curme, 3 G. O.: A Grammar of the English Language, Vol. hi. Syntax, Bos¬ 
ton, 1931- . . „ 

Curme, 4 G. O.: “Musings upon the English and the German Subjunctive, 
in The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, xxx, 193PP- I_ 5 - 


APPENDIX B—BIBLIOGRAPHY 


IOI 


Cutting, Starr W.: Der Conjunktiv bei Hartmann von Aue (= University of 
Chicago Germanic Studies, No. i), Chicago, 1894. 

Daab, Ursula: Studien zur Althochdeutschen Benediktinerregel (= Hermaea, 
Ausgewahlte Arbeiten aus dem Deutschen Seminar zu Halle , No. xxiv), 
Halle (Salle), 1929. 

Delbriick, 1 B.: Der Gebrauch des Konjunktivs und Optativs im Sanskrit und 
Griechischen (= Syntaktische Forschungen, 1), Halle, 1871. 

Delbriick, 2 B.: Vergleichende Syntax der Indogermanischen Sprachen ( = 
Grundriss der Vergleichenden Grammatik von K. Brugmann und B. 
Delbriick, vols. 3-5), Strassburg, 1893-1900. 

Delbriick, 3 B.: “Der Germanische Optativ im Satzgefiige,” in Paul and 
Braune’s Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und Literatur, 
Vol. xxix, 1904, pp. 201-304. 

Delbriick, 4 B.: Zu den Germanischen Relativsdtzen ( = Abhandlungen der 
Philologisch-Historischen Klasse der Koniglichen Sdchsischen Gesell- 
schaft der Wissenschaften, Vol. xxvn, No. xrx), Leipzig, 1909. 

Delbriick, 5 B.: Germanische Syntax, I. Zu den Negativen Sdtzen ( = Ab¬ 
handlungen der Philologisch-historischen Klasse der Koniglichen Sdchsi¬ 
schen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Vol. xxvm, No. iv), Leipzig, 
1910. 

Delbriick, 6 B.: Germanische Syntax. V. Germanische Konjunktionssdtze 
( = Abhandlungen der Philologisch-historischen Klasse der Sdchsischen 
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vol. xxxvi, No. iv), Leipzig, 1919. 

Dethloff, R.: Darstellung der Syntax im Angelsdchsischen Gedicht Daniel, 
Rostock dis., 1907. 

Deutschbein, 1 M.: “Das Resultativum im Neuenglischen,” in Streitberg- 
Festgabe, Leipzig, 1924, pp. 36-40. 

Deutschbein, 2 M.: System der Neuenglischen Syntax, 2d ed., Leipzig, 1926. 

Dewitz, A.: Alfreds Westsdchsische Uebersetzung der Cura Pastoralis Gregors 
und Ihr Verhdltnis zum Originate, Breslau dis., Bunzlau, 1889. 

Dietz, C.: Die Lateinische Vorlage des Althochdeutschen Tatian, Leipzig dis., 
1893. 

Dittmar, Armin: “Ueber die Negation ne in Abhangigen Satzen,” in Zeit- 
schriftfur Deutsche Philologie, Erganzungsband (1874), pp. 255-297. 

Dodd, L. H A Glossary of Wulfstands Homilies ( = Yale Studies in English, 
No. xxxv), New York, 1908. 

Donald, Gordon C.: Zur Entivicklung des Prosastils in der Sachsenchronik, 
Marburg dis., 1914. 

Douse, T. L. M.: An Introduction to the Gothic of Ulfilas, London, 1886. 

Earle, John: A Book for the Beginner in Anglo-Saxon, 3d ed., Oxford, 1884. 

Einenkel, Eugen: Geschichte der Englischen Sprache: II. Historische Syntax 
(reprint from Paul’s Grundriss der Germanischen Philologie ), 3d ed., 
Strassburg, 1916. 

Eismann, Albert: Der Konjunktiv in Nebensdtzen in der Altenglischen Poesie, 
Auszug aus der Kiel dis., 1921 (in maschinenschrift). 


102 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Erdmann, 1 O.: “Review of F. Burckhardt’s Der Gotische Conjunctiv Ver- 
glichen mit den Entsprechenden Modis des Neutestamentlichen Griechisch, 
Ein Beitrag zur Vergleichenden Sprachfor s chung" (Zschopau, 1872), in 
Zeitschrift fiir Deutsche Philologie, iv, 1873, pp. 455 ~ 45 8 - 

Erdmann, 2 O.: Untersuchungen iiber die Syntax der Sprache Otfrids, 2 vols., 
Halle, 1874. 

Erdmann, 3 O.: Review of A. Kohler’s “Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Op- 
tativs im Gotischen,” in Zeitschrift fiir Deutsche Philologie, V, 1874, pp. 
212-216. 

Erdmann, 4 O., and Mensing, O.: Grundzuge der Deutschen Syntax, Vol. 1, 
Stuttgart, 1886; 11, by Otto Mensing, Stuttgart, 1898. 

Ericson, 1 Eston E.: “The Use of Old English Swa in Negative Clauses,” in 
Studies in Honor of Hermann Collitz, Baltimore, 1930, pp. iS 9 - I 75 - 

Ericson, 2 Eston E.: The Use of Swa in Old English ( = Hesperia, Erganzungs- 
reihe: Schriften zur Englischen Philologie, Heft xii), Gottingen, 1932. 

Faulkner, W. H.: The Subjunctive in Alfred's Translation of Bede's Ecclesi¬ 
astical History of the English People (= University of Virginia Mono¬ 
graphs, No. vi), 1902 (?). 

Field, H. F.: “Comparative Syntax and Some Modern Theories of the 
Subjunctive,” in Modern Philology, xxm, 1925, pp. 201-224. 

Flamme, J.: Syntax der Blickling Homilies, Bonn dis., 1885. 

Fleischhauer, W.: Ueber den Gebrauch des Conjunctivs in Alfred's Alteng- 
lischer Uebersetzung von Gregor's Cura Pastoralis, Gottingen dis., Er¬ 
langen, 1885. 

Foerster, Karl: Der Gebrauch der Modi im Althochdeutschen Tatian, Kiel dis., 
Einbeck, 1895. 

Fraatz, P.: Darstellung der Syntaktischen Erscheinungen in den Angelsachsi- 
schen Walderebruchstiicken, Rostock dis., 1908. 

Frank, 1 Tenney: Attraction of Mood in Early Latin, University of Chicago 
dis., Lancaster, Pa., 1904. 

Frank, 2 Tenney: “Schlicher on ‘The Moods of Indirect Quotation’,” in 
Classical Philology, 1,1906, p. 82. 

Frank, 3 Tenney: “The Use of the Optative in the Edda,” in the American 
Journal of Philology, xxv 11, 1906, pp. 1-32. 

Frank, 4 Tenney: “On Constructions of Indirect Discourse in Early Ger¬ 
manic Dialects,” in The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 
vii, 1907-1908, pp. 64-80. 

Frantzen, J. A.: Ueber den Gebrauch des Konjunktivs im Deutschen, Groning¬ 
en, 1920. 

Fritsche, P.: Darstellung der Syntax in dem Altenglischen Menologium, 
Rostock dis., Berlin, 1907. 

Furkert, M.: Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Verbums in Guthlac, Leipzig dis., 
1889. 

Garnett, J. M.: Beowulf, an Anglo-Saxon Poem, and The Fight at Finnsburg, 
2d edition, Boston, 1885. 

Gierach, Erich: See Paul, 3 Hermann. 


APPENDIX B—BIBLIOGRAPHY 


103 


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Gildersleeve, B. L., and Lodge, G.: Latin Grammar, 3d ed., Boston, copy¬ 
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Goehl, G. H.: Die Modi in den Werken Wolframs von Eschenhach, Leipzig 
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104 CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 
Holthausen, 2 F.: Altsdchsisches Elementarbuch, zweite verbesserte Auflage, 

Heidelberg, 1921. ,. n * 

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Kieckers, Ernst: Handbuch der Vergleichenden Gotischen Grammatik, 
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Kinard, J. P.: A Study of Wulfstan’s Homilies: Their Style and Sources, 
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Klinghardt, 1 H.: “Die Syntax der gotischen Partikel ei, v in the Zeitschrift 
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Klinghardt, 2 H.: “Be und die Relative Satzverbindung im Angelsachsi- 
schen,” in Beitrdge zur Deutschen Philologie, Julius Zacher Dargebracht, 
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Knepper, J.: Tempora und Modi bei Walther von der Vogelweide, Munster 
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Knork, M.: Die Negation in der altenglischen Dichtung, Kiel dis., 1907. 

Koch, C. F. : Historische Grammatik der englischen Sprache, 2d ed., 3 vols., 
Cassel, 1878-1891. 


APPENDIX B—BIBLIOGRAPHY 


105 

Kohler, Artur: “Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Optativs im Gotischen,” 
in Bartsch’s Germanistische Studien, 1,1872, pp. 77-133. 

Kolbe, T.: Die Konjugation der Lindisfarner Evangelien (= Bonner Studien 
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Kopas, W.: Die Grundzuge der Satzverkniipfung in Cynewulfs Schriften, 
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Krapp, G. P., Editor: The Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records, Vol. 1. The Junius 
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Kruisinga, E.: A Handbook of Present-Day English, Part n. English Acci¬ 
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Kuhn, Albin: Ueber die Angelsdchsischen Gedichte von Christ und Satan, Jena 
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Kuhn, P. T.: Die Syntax des Verbums in JElfrics Heiligenleben, Leipzig dis., 
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Kiihner, Raphael: Ausfiihrliche Grammatik der Lateinischen Sprache, Zweiter 
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Lange, F.: Darstellung der Syntaktischen Erscheinungen im Angelsdchsischen 
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Lodge, G.: See Gildersleeve, B. L. 

Loefstedt, Einar, Sr.: Beitrdge zur Kenntnis von dem Gebrauch des Kon- 
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Matzner, E.: Englische Grammatik, 3 vols., 3d ed., Berlin, 1880-1885. 

Mahn, E.: Darstellung der Syntax in dem Sogenannten Angelsdchsischen 
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Manthey, W.: Syntaktische Beobachtungen an Notkers Uebersetzung des 
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Mausser, Otto: Mittelhochdeutsche Grammatik auf VergleichenderGrundlage, 
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Metlen, Michael: Does the Gothic Bible Represent Idiomatic Gothic? North¬ 
western University dis., Evanston, Illinois, 1932. 


106 CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 

Meyer, E.: Darstellung der Syntaktischen Erscheinungen im Angels'dchsischen 
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Michels, Victor: Mittelhochdeutsches Elementarbuch, Dritte und Vierte Stark 
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Mohrbutter, A.: Darstellung der Syntax in den Vier Echten Predigten des 
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Mourek, 2 V. E.: Syntaxis Slozenych vlt v GotUinS ( = Abhandlungen der 
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Mourek, 4 V. E.: Zur Syntax des Althochdeutschen Tatian, Prag, 1894. 

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Mourek, 9 V. E.: Zur Syntax des Mittelhochdeutschen Konjunktivs mit Be- 
legen aus Wolframs Parcival (= Sitzungsberichte der Koniglichen 
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Muller, A.: Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Verbums in dem Angels'dchsischen 
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Muller, H.: Ueber die Angels'dchsischen Versus Gnomici, Jena, 1893. 

Muller, T.: Angels'dchsische Grammatik, Gottingen, 1883. 

Nader, E.: “Tempus und Modus im Beowulf,” in Anglia (1888-9), x, 
542-563; xi, 444 - 499 - 

Naumann, H.: Notkers Boethius: Untersuchungen ueber Quellen und Stil 
(=Quellen und Forschungen zur Sprach- und Kulturgeschichte der Ger¬ 
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Nunn, H. P. V.: An Introduction to Ecclesiastical Latin, Cambridge [Eng¬ 
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Nygaard, 1 Marius: “Om Brugen af Konjunktiv i Oldnorsk,” in Arkiv for 


APPENDIX B—BIBLIOGRAPHY 


107 


Nordisk Filologi (1883-5), I, 1x3-149, 3 i 4 ~ 35 i; u > 193-206, 35 ^— 375 ; 
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Nygaard, 3 M.: Norr^n Syntax, Kristiania, 1906. 

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Planer, J.: Ueber den Syntaktischen Gebrauch des Verbums in dem Angel¬ 
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Gedichte vom Heiligen Andreas, Leipzig dis., 1889. 


io8 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Robertson, W. A.: Tempus und Modus in der Altenglischen Chronik, Mar¬ 
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1889. 

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buches, Ein Beitrag zur Losung der Verfasserfrage, Breslau dis., 1913^ 

Scholten, W. E.: “Satzverbindende Partikeln bei Otfrid und Tatian,” in 
Paul and Braune’s Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und 
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Schrader, B.: Studien zur Mfricschen Syntax, Jena, 1887. 

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Bonn dis., 1903. 

Seiler, F.: “Die Althochdeutsche Uebersetzung der Benediktinerregel,” in 
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Literatur, 1, 1874, pp. 402-485; II, 1876, pp. 168-171. 

Selmer, Carl: Middle High German Translations of the Regula Sancti 
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Sievers, 1 E.: Tatian, Paderborn, 1872. 

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Small, G. W.: The Comparison of Inequality, Johns Hopkins dis., 1924. 


APPENDIX B—BIBLIOGRAPHY 


109 


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Spaeth, J. D.: Die Syntax des Verbums in dem Angelsdchsischen Gedicht 
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Stegmann, Carl: SeeKiihner, R. 

Stieger, F.: Untersuchungen iiber die Syntax in dem Angelsdchsischen Ge¬ 
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Streitberg, 1 Wilhelm: Die Gotische Bibel, 2. Aufl., 2 vols., Heidelberg, 1910 
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Muller, Planer, Reussner, and Seyfarth, in Englische Studien,xix, 
1894, pp. 116-121. 


no 


CONSECUTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IN OLD ENGLISH 


Wiilfing, 2 J. E.: Die Syntax in den Werken Alfreds des Grossen, 2 pts., Bonn, 
1894-1901. 

Wunderlich, Hermann: Beitrdge zur Syntax des Nother'schen Boethius , Ber¬ 
lin dis., 1883. 

Wunderlich, H., and Reis, Hans: Der Deutsche Satzhau , 3d ed., 2 vols., 
Stuttgart and Berlin, 1924, 1925. 

Wynne, Vivian Scott: A Translation of Wulfstan's “ Homilies ,” with Special 
Reference to His Use of the Subjunctive , M.A. Thesis, The University 
of Texas, 1919 (not published). 

Zupita, J.: Mlfrics Grammatik und Glossar, Berlin, 1880. 


CORRIGENDA 

The following examples of the Consecutive Subjunctive, by inad¬ 
vertence overlooked, should be added in the respective categories (in the 
body of the essay and in the tables): 

1. With Swa (1): A.S. Horn. & L.S. II, 201.216: swa J?aer ware 

hundseofontig. 

2. With Swa Swa (1): Mlf. onO.& 2 V. 7 \ 75: swa swa him ne derede = no 
Latin. 

3. With Swa Bset (1):— Wcerf. 1 100.21: swa pat heo mihte beon . . . be- 
fan gen = Wcerf. 2 132B: ita ut manu capi posset. 

4. With Swa . . . Daet (2):— Oros. 1 178.17: swa heane hie gejmhton 
pat hi heora gelican wurden = no Latin;— Laws 226(^9]: swa longe pat 
man wiste. 






























































. 





















































































































































































































































































































































